Theology

Whiskeyjack

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Oh man, the new Ukrainian Orthodox Church is already on the verge of an internal schism. <a href="https://t.co/GSustYhaND">https://t.co/GSustYhaND</a></p>— Nathan Israel Smolin (@CaptPeabody) <a href="https://twitter.com/CaptPeabody/status/1127983289367580674?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">May 13, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Whiskeyjack

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Andrew Willard Jones just published an article at his blog Postliberal Thought titled "What if the liberal concept of religion is the real problem?":

American conservatism is in the midst of a fierce internal debate concerning Christianity, morality, and liberalism. In a recent dust up, Sohrab Ahmari caused an uproar by pointing out the truism that a nation’s law is both a reflection of and a source for what it holds as right and wrong. Reaction to Ahmari has demonstrated that this debate is severely hampered by conservatives’ nearly exclusive use of the language that late liberalism supplies. Focused on the distinctions between private morality, public governance and the proper overlap between the two, the debate has retained liberalism’s most fundamental concepts and will not, therefore, bring us anything new. This is because, as is the case with all ideological systems, the construction of the language of late liberalism and the pressing of its conclusions are two aspects of the same endeavor. If we use their categories, we will find ourselves trapped within their conclusions. We must break the coherence of this idiom if we intend to resolve our internal fights and articulate a critique of the current regime without unwittingly reinforcing it. A brief attempt at the deconstruction of two basic liberal binaries might be, I hope, useful. They are: religious/secular and moral/political.

The “secular” should not be juxtaposed with the “religious.” To speak in this manner is to have lost a non-liberal meaning of the word “religion” and to have replaced it with a fundamentally liberal category, invented in the past 200 years or so. This liberal “religion” operates within the private realm of personal activities and opinions -- the same realm as romance, hobbies, friendships, and morality. This realm is made up of lifestyle variations to which the State is officially indifferent, and the State is indifferent precisely because these lifestyle variations are embedded within categories that are already publicly legislated. To think that the liberal state allows for “freedom of religion” in some sort of metaphysical sense is quaint. In fact, the State is indifferent to particular religions because they operate within the stability of the juridical, public category of “religion,” and such variations are by definition socially irrelevant. Once a religion leaves the private realm of personal activities and opinions and is re-categorized as “public,”liberal discourse shifts and starts to call it politics or economics.

Within late liberalism, then, one has freedom of religion precisely to the extent that the State has defined religious content, per se, as not mattering to its order; as something private and so indifferent, like one’s favorite color. As soon as this is not the case, as soon as an opinion or action is understood to impinge on the rights of other legal personae or to affect their public options, these opinions or actions cease to be considered properly religious and are therefore eligible for regulation by the State, a phenomenon clearly on display in State action against bakers or florists who decline to participate in same-sex weddings. Less dramatically, we might note the way in which religions are explicitly situated within the tax code, where their potential “religious” behaviors, such as preaching or praying, are itemized and their potential “non-religious” behaviors, such as property ownership, employment, political action, profit seeking, etc, are likewise spelled out. This is a tedious, bureaucratic demonstration of the fact that within the liberal lexicon, “religions” are necessarily made up of content defined as irrelevant to the achievement of the State’s ends.

It is imperative that we recognize the tautological nature of this discourse. The liberal order considers certain ideas or practices to be religious only because they have already been relegated to the realm of the private, where religion functions by definition. “The secular” is really nothing more than a name for societies that use or operate “religion” in this manner -- as a kind of holding pen for these private, personal actions that do not yet affect the State. In late liberalism, to be “secular” is to be uninvolved with these odd, private actions, while simultaneously subordinating them to the realm of the publically indifferent. It is a power move disguised as an essential, metaphysical, transhistorical, and transcultural binary. That this kind of religion is not, in fact, any essential element of the human experience is obvious in the fact that the content of this religion is fluid. Fifty years ago it would have seemed obvious that a business owner’s choice to not pay for employees’ contraception would be protected by his religious freedom. Now, it is increasing obvious that it does not: such things are now political. Nobody is concerned about this businessman’s Sunday worship: such things remain indifferent and so religious. It is worth remembering that to many ancient pagans the Christian conception of the equal dignity of every human being appeared a bizarre aspect of a rather odd cult; but now such equality forms a basic tenant of the ideological structure of the secular State. Things that were once religious are now political and things that were once political are now religious. These categories are relative and relational, functioning within the liberal idiom. It is not that religion is face-to-face with the secular, with equal footing in an essentialist frame. Rather, religion only comes into being as late-liberal religion within the contingent frame of the secular.

Within late liberalism, then, religions are simply voluntary associations relevant to particular aspects of their members’ private lives. As soon as a religion verges into non-religious aspects of members’ private lives, it becomes a cult; if it verges into coercion, it becomes a terrorist organization; if it mobilizes for political action it becomes a political party; and if it starts manufacturing and selling goods, it becomes a business. In a liberal order, these actions are generally understood as perversions because within its categorical schema the content of religion doesn’t belong in certain aspects of the private or in the public realms of politics or economics. So, liberal States tend to effectively outlaw such perversions. Or else, they must redefine the public to include them and the religious to exclude them. For example, the giving of alms and the provisioning of charitable services such as hospitals and schools, actions which were once understood as profoundly religious, as they have been steadily incorporated into the welfare State have been rearticulated as in essence political and public. Both the political and the religious have been redefined to accommodate this new practice. Hospitals matter socially and so they simply cannot be, in essence, religious -- and so they must be eligible for direct state regulation. Such constant redefinition is the ongoing project of liberalism’s discourse on religious liberty which is necessarily as much about defining religion and keeping it in its proper private realm as it is about protecting it from public disturbance. The late liberal notion of religious liberty is ultimately about the maintenance of the irrelevance of the “religion” category itself. Religion is by definition free and can be identified as whatever we are free to do.

Within this discourse, when populist, right-wing Christians argue for their religion to become the basis of public order, they can only be heard as arguing for a type of theocracy, for their peculiar, socially irrelevant private beliefs to be forced on everyone. This only reinforces the liberal discourse on religion and politics because the whole discussion has been historically constructed against the ever-present threat of “confessional” States. More directly, liberal Christians who accept the privatization of Christianity work with the secular regime in the maintenance of the social irrelevance of religion, normally and often tragically through their defense of religious freedom. Neither side in the current debate is really breaking free.

Religion is just one type within a whole category of similar phenomena, “morality” being perhaps the most fundamental. For example, for many decades now Christians have attempted to mount an effective opposition to what they have called “moral relativism.” What is meant by this concept? Christians can’t really mean that our late liberal opponents don’t believe in right and wrong. We know that isn’t the case. Those on the left believe with great passion that social security must be extended and that it is a matter of simple justice that the minimum wage be raised. They are outraged by racism and sexism and they find our exploitation of the natural world to be an abomination. Those on the libertarian-leaning right will defend to the death the rightness of private property and individual liberty. Any curtailment of business or redistribution of wealth is abhorrent to them. The entire ideological edifice of liberalism rests on the conviction that it is just plain wrong to intervene in the individual’s pursuit of desire fulfillment, and that to do so is a violation of justice, the paradigmatic moral principle. You will find no group of people more certain of the rightness of their convictions and more willing to force others to comply with them than those who congregate on university campuses. There is, obviously, no shortage of right-and-wrong in late liberalism’s woke culture. And yet, many Christians continue to talk about moral relativism. Why?

This behavior becomes intelligible when we understand that similar to religion, in the everyday liberal vernacular, the word “moral” is restricted in application to things that society is more-or-less relativistic about. Sex is a “moral” issue because we don’t think that people’s sexual preferences impinge upon justice. Sex is like sports. We know that people disagree strongly about which team ought to win, but we don’t feel the need to resolve this conflict through some sort of compromise or censure. We are sports team relativists. In fact, the concept of sports includes this relativism intrinsically – the fans of neither team are wrong and there is no contradiction -- that’s how sports work. Similarly, your favorite color is red and mine is blue, and that’s just fine; we are color relativists and there is no incoherence in our being so. Relativism is built into the concept of favorite colors. In the same way, in everyday, liberal usage, the word “morality” carries with it the concept of relativism. It’s not that society has relegated all “lifestyle” choices to the relativistic category of morality. Light up a cigarette in polite company to prove that is not the case. Smoking is not a “moral” issue, it’s a public health issue, like obesity, and so an appropriate object of public disdain and censure. Rather, particular behaviors have become “moral” precisely because they are understood as socially irrelevant. The relativism comes before the morality; relativism is a criterion for the category. But, this isn’t quite enough. For a behavior to be relegated to “morality,” it normally must be something (like sex) that old-fashioned people (mostly Christians) mistake for something that is not relative (like fair wages). The word “morality” comes to mean something like: “things that we all know are relative and socially unimportant but concerning which Christians have historically tried to oppress us and would again if given the chance.” In this way, the late liberal concept of morality includes within it both moral relativism and the story of Christian opposition to moral relativism. And so, when Christians argue against “moral relativism” as if it were a real thing, they reinforce not only the liberal segmenting of human action into moral (i.e. relative) things and amoral (i.e. political) things, but the marginalization of Christianity as an ultimately tyrannical dogma that has been overthrown, but which remains a threat. They are paradoxically profoundly liberal in their illiberality because liberalism requires them for its internal coherence.

Liberalism has no problem, therefore, with religion or with morality or with other “comprehensive philosophical and moral doctrines,” as Rawls would put it. By definition, these things have a proper and protected place within the liberal regime of rights. They are integral to liberalism’s concept of the private, which is the realm of the irrelevant. One can “define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life” as long as one’s determination of that meaning, as D.C. Schindler has put it, amounts to nothing at all-- at least nothing social. Liberalism provides a tidy, closed circle. This is what the so-called pluralism of liberalism ultimately amounts to. It is, in fact, a profound homogenization and enforcement of orthodoxies. Everything is the same in its “diversity.” Everyone has a different favorite color as they move through the relentless sameness of the State and the market.

Christians, then, ought to shift the argument away from the proper role of morality or religion in legislation and to the fundamentally religious/moral character of all law. The liberal tradition in part rests on the notion that reason and morality are distinct. Morality, as we have seen, is defined in public discourse as made up of convictions that are not based on reason. Reason for liberals is, therefore, by definition morally neutral ground and so the only legitimate basis for coercive, legal action. The Christian tradition, however, views things almost exactly opposite. To the Christian, to say that an action is moral and to say that it is rational is to say the same thing. All moral action is rational action and all rational action is moral action. To say that something pertains to morals is simply to say that it pertains to practical rather than speculative rationality. Human law is, therefore, merely reason applied through prudence to the here and now, which is another way to say that all law is the “legislating of morality.” This is not a complicated idea. It is merely to understand that the right thing to do and the reasonable thing to do are the same thing—which we all already know (I hope). This simple idea, however, explodes the liberal conceit because within it to declare something as pertaining to “morals” does not exclude it from the realm of legislation, quite the opposite, in fact. Through the Christian idiom, such simplistic and tautological categorical denunciations are undone and the liberals would be compelled to make a case for the prudence of particular legislation. For example, they would be compelled to argue that banning pornography is a bad idea not because sex is categorically a moral issue but because either porn is itself good or because the disruption such a ban would cause to the good of free political speech is not worth the benefits, or something like that. In this way, within the Christian idiom which equates morality with rationality, the liberals would, perhaps ironically, be compelled to offer rational justifications for their legislative actions or inactions. Stripped of the cover of their constructed categories of “morality” or “religion,” liberals would have to account for the empirical consequences and the rationality of their laws or lack of laws. This works in the other direction as well. Christians could not fall back on their private morality or faith but would rather be burdened with the demonstration of the rationality of their convictions and with determining their prudent application, given a society as de-Christianized as our own.

The current conflicts rocking conservatism needs to be shifted into a more fundamental frame. Christians need to stop moving the liberal pieces around on the board and start bending the rules of the language game themselves. To argue that our morality or our religion ought to be enshrined in law, while retaining the liberal definitions of all these terms, is, I’m afraid, as a matter of definition proto-fascist. To argue that our morality or our religion is a merely private matter, is, I’m afraid, to argue that Christianity doesn’t matter at all. Rather, we need to speak in an idiom which joins religion and morality to rationality in the very definition of law. We need to describe late liberalism in this idiom, deconstructing the categorical tautologies out of which it is constituted. Such a move would, in fact, bring unexpected moderation because it would bring to light the vast swathes of religious and moral ground shared by political opponents. As St. Augustine taught us long ago, what holds us together politically is not some neutral, amoral realm. It is rather our shared loves, our shared morals, and ultimately our shared religion – even if minimal, confused in content, and admixed with error. It would be good, I think, for us to see this.
 

zelezo vlk

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Thought-provoking blog post that was linked into a discussion on the upcoming Amazon Synod (or rather the big topic of that Synod).

http://modernmedievalism.blogspot.com/2017/03/married-simplex-priests.html

Thought experiment: married "simplex" priests to strengthen the celibate clergy
What did Pope Francis say this time?

I was particularly ruminating on this during the recently past feast of Saint Patrick: a bishop who was born to a clerical family, his father having been a deacon and his grandfather a priest (a fact which is curiously omitted from Patrick's biography in the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia). The latest papal kerfluffle was over the Pope's answers to some questions in an interview in the German newspaper Die Zeit. To quote a CNS article:
He was also asked about the possibility of allowing married "viri probati" -- men of proven virtue -- to become priests.
"We have to study whether 'viri probati' are a possibility. We then also need to determine which tasks they could take on, such as in remote communities, for example," Pope Francis said.
The remarks caused enough waves that I even overheard the kind old ladies who come to my workplace to knit once a week talk about it! Of course, there was no discussion on what Pope Francis meant by the phrase viri probati. (That would be "proven men", presumably of advanced age and known piety such as older married deacons, who would be ordained as supply priests to help the established clergy.) In most people's imaginations, whether they're for or against it, any talk of opening the priesthood to married men is taken to mean that seminaries will soon be flooded with young newlywed guys. That may well be the fate of the old Latin discipline by the end of my natural lifetime, but in the spirit of my blog's tagline, "Applying old-world solutions to new-world problems", you dear readers will indulge me in the following thought experiment about a model of priesthood which has passed into obscurity but may find renewed usefulness in the not-too-distant future....

First, I tack on my disclaimer that, of course, as "there are those who make themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake", the path of celibacy is a higher calling than that of marriage. Obligatory celibacy for priests has been a part of the Latin tradition for a thousand years. Even the so-called "Anglican" Personal Ordinariate of the Chair of St Peter to which I belong, which uniquely relies on a mostly married presbyterate of former Anglican clerics, still affirms that the model of celibate priests formed in the traditional seminary system is preferred. The Ordinariate places high hopes on its four traditional seminarians (one of whom is a longtime friend of mine), and so do I.

Now with that out of the way....




There are two kinds of arguments against the use of married priests: spiritual and pragmatic. People in the first camp pride themselves on the idea that the priest, as an alter Christus, is "married" to the Church as our Lord and living more closely to the ideal of celibacy as proposed by St Paul. There is simply no room for the idea of married priests in this ecclesiology--indeed, many people in this camp have a visceral reaction against the idea of a married man, especially one who may still be sexually active, in celebrating Mass or administering the holy Eucharist. A few traditionalists might be so repulsed by the idea that they'd rather attend a diocesan Ordinary Form Mass or drive to a traditional Latin Mass in another state, rather than attend a Latin Mass celebrated by a married priest. For these folks, no argument suffices, and I don't bother convincing them otherwise.

The pragmatists are the sort who question the applicability of married priests, not the idea in principle. They ask, "how do we pay for them and their families? Will we need to renovate the rectories to accommodate family life? How can a priest be attentive to his wife, children, and needs of his flock all at once? What about the psychological affects of being raised as a PK [pastor's kid]?" concerns are alleviated easily enough by rediscovering what being ordained as a priest exactly entailed during the medieval centuries of the Church. In short: simplex priests.

A sacerdos simplex is a priest who is ordained for celebrating Mass, and little else (beyond the usual obligation of praying the Divine Office). No confessions, no preaching, no pastorships of parishes. To be "simplex" is to exercise only the core of the presbyteral ministry, which is offering the holy sacrifice of the Mass. The rest, while certainly integral to the priest's mission on earth, is not essential to it. Imagine if, in large parishes that stretch their priests thin, the bishop says to the pastor:

"I want you to approach your deacons and your three most devout, older laymen (no younger than 45) and ask them if they'd be willing to apprentice under you for three years and then be ordained priests. Their sole duties, other than praying the Office, would be celebrating Masses that you can't cover yourself, helping distribute Communion, and bringing Communion to the sick. Other things such as teaching catechism are up to them, but they can't hear confessions except in danger of death, and they won't perform baptisms or weddings unless you specifically delegate them. They can only preach if they were already formed as deacons beforehand. Finally, they do this service only for love of God, with no expectation of income."

In a stroke, these simplex priests, some of whom are perhaps married, will have already resolved all the pragmatists' objections:

They're mature in both age and faith, and if they're married, their children are older or out of the house
They serve at no expense to the faithful; no salary, no housing, no retirement pension or other benefits needed because, like deacons, they're expected to maintain their own income and (if necessary) secular employment
They have a shorter course of study under their pastor, as most priests did before the arrival of the seminary system after Trent--again, at no cost to the faithful

In exchange, we could reap the following benefits:
Many more priests to celebrate Mass in "non-priority areas", especially in remote rural parishes or near-abandoned urban parishes, or in chaplaincies for the neglected like prisons and hospitals
More priests to offer Sunday Mass at the parishes (especially early and late Masses) so that pastors only have to celebrate the principal Sunday Mass; thus keeping to the traditional rule whereby priests are only supposed to celebrate Mass once per day (there used to be an indult required for "binating" or "trinating", meaning offering Mass twice or three times a day)
More priests around to distribute holy Communion, thereby reducing the need for lay extraordinary ministers
More priests to deliver holy Communion to the sick, in place of lay ministers
More priests to lead hours of the Divine Office
More priests to offer personal instruction to catechumens, as was common prior to Vatican II
On an as-needed basis, pastors can delegate baptisms and weddings to simplex priests to free time for themselves

With simplex priests helping out much the same way auxiliary bishops assist the diocesan bishop, the celibate, beneficed ("full time") pastors and curates would then have a lot more free time to hear confessions, make visits to parishioners' homes, get to know more of their flock one-on-one, and perhaps most importantly, devote themselves more fully to the Divine Office and regular prayer. Everyone wins.

If you think me crazy for saying for proposing such a wacky ecclesiology, just consider that even today, every priest is "simplex" at least on the first day of his ordination. Unlike bishops who are all inherently "the Bishop of So-and-so place", no priest is guaranteed a parish assignment; in the old days, most priests never even made it to "pastor". Priests still require faculties for confession--they can't just hear someone's confession at will, and if they hop over to the neighboring diocese, they still need that local bishop's permission in writing before hearing someone's confession there (as well as to celebrate Mass). Priests need permission from the pastor or rector of any church before officiating a baptism or wedding there. There's really little that a priest is allowed to do on his own except hear the confession of someone in grave danger of death (in that case alone, even an excommunicated priest is given faculties). Until the 1983 Code of Canon Law, priests even needed faculties to preach.

We also have a fairly recent example of a (religious, not married) simplex priest on the path to canonization: the Venerable Solanus Casey, OFM Cap (1870-1957). The Archbishop of Milwaukee ordained Casey as a simplex priest because of he found Latin and other academic disciplines of the seminary system too challenging.


The Ven. Solanus Casey above.
As vocations in the mainstream Church continue to hemorrhage, the existing body of diocesan priests will be stretched further and further. Some priests are already pastors of three or four parishes, all which formerly had three or four assisting curates each. In such conditions, they have little time to really see to the needs of the faithful in their care, or even, critically, their own souls through prayer and private reflection. The whole Church then suffers from poor ministry.

And before someone points to the large number of men applying to places like the FSSP's Our Lady of Guadalupe Seminary (a fine institution which two friends of mine attend).... while it's certainly true that vocations to certain traditional seminaries such as those of the FSSP or Institute of Christ the King are faring much better, these are still single institutions that must serve the needs of entire continents. The fruits of their labor remain out of reach in most places, even in most major metropolitan centers. There are still many communities that haven't yielded a single priest despite celebrating the old rites exclusively for five or ten years at a time. By contrast, your average pre-conciliar parish yielded one or two seminarians per year. Considering that some saints have written that God calls as many a third of the general Catholic population to clerical or religious life, I'd say even "traddies" have a shortage of vocations.

To close, I'm certainly not suggesting that my suggestion for ordaining simplex priests be rolled out during this tumultuous pontificate (not that anyone from the Vatican is reading my blog, anyway). I believe we'll have to wait for the vocational winter to truly hit us over the course of the next 15 or 20 years as the last remnants of the big vocation boom of the 1950's and early '60s retire and die out. Once the diocesan structures enter a total freefall and the existing diocesan clergy begin to burn out in record numbers, I'll dust off this old blog entry and see if anyone bites. That said, if my dismal forecast of the future state of vocations is completely off-base and there's a renaissance with four or five unmarried, full-time priests staffing each parish once again, I'll very gladly accept being wrong.

(For the record, I would not seek to become a simplex priest, even if asked. That's definitely not my calling.)
 

Whiskeyjack

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Joe Carter recently published an article in Providence titled "What You Should Know About Integralism":

Several weeks ago, First Things published a piece by contributor Sohrab Ahmari on “Against David French-ism,” a condemnation of a perspective represented by National Review writer David French. This broadside launched a debate within the conservative movement that has since resulted in a hundred articles and thousands of postings on social media.

While there are many nuances and side issues in the debate, the crux of the disagreement appears to be a general clash between two opposing political philosophies adopted by religious believers: Catholic integralism and classical liberalism.

In a future article, I’ll present and explain the roots and core tenets of classical liberalism. For now, here is what you should know about integralism:

1. Catholic Integralism (hereafter, integralism) holds that there are two powers that rule humanity: a temporal power (represented by the state) and a spiritual power (represented by the Catholic Church). Integralists believe that since man’s temporal end is subordinated to his eternal end, the temporal power (the state) must be subordinated to the spiritual power (the Church). The world in all its aspects is to take shape only under the direct or indirect action of the Church.

2. As R.R. Reno notes, the term “integralism” came into use during the modernist crisis in early-twentieth-century Catholicism. “It denoted the party opposed to liberalizing trends in European Catholicism,” says Reno. “The word suggests nostalgia for an earlier period, one in which the moral, cultural, and political life of Europe was organized around—integrated with—the authoritative teachings of the Church.”

3. Within the American political context, integralism is often associated with (if not a subset of) the religious dissent wing of post-liberalism. As Ross Douthat explains:

These are Western Christians, especially, who regard both liberal and neoconservative styles of Christian politics as failed experiments, doomed because they sought reconciliation with a liberal project whose professed tolerance stacks the deck in favor of materialism and unbelief. Some of these religious dissenters are seeking a tactical retreat from liberal modernity, a subcultural resilience in the style of Orthodox Jews or Mennonites or Mormons. But others are interested in going on offense. In my own church, part of the younger generation seems disillusioned with post-Vatican II Catholic politics, and is drawn instead either to a revived Catholic integralism or a “tradinista” Catholic socialism—both of which affirm the “social kingship” of Jesus Christ, a phrase that attacks the modern liberal order at the root.

Not all post-liberals who affirm Catholicism are integralist themselves. Some Catholic post-liberals who are sympathetic to many of the aims of integralism, yet who reject the label of integralist or distance themselves from the movement, include Notre Dame professor Patrick Deneen, First Things editor R.R. Reno, and Sohrab Ahmari of the New York Post.

4. As with most social theories, there is a wide range of views on what constitutes integralism. But a core idea of all forms of integralism is that Catholicism provides the only satisfactory basis for the ordering of society. Because ethical values determine social conduct and the Catholic Church sets the standard for morality, integralists believe the state has a duty to defend the interests of the Church. This makes integralism a movement that views the political sphere as a subset of the religious sphere.

5. A primary belief of integralism is that public life is an extension of interior life (i.e., a life dedicated to finding God in all things); the public life is everything that is not the interior life. As L. Brent Bozell, Jr. said, “This means that Christian politics is free to regard family and school, play and work, art and communication, the order of social relationships and the civil order, as integral parts of a whole: as integral and therefore mutually dependent aspects of civilization.”

6. Integralism is not the promotion of theocracy since it does not advocate that the church rule the state. Providence contributing editor Daniel Strand explains:

The state has its own integrity and is governed by natural law. Catholics think in terms of natural and supernatural goods. With the advent of Christianity, the state, as was the case prior, is no longer the guardian and enforcer of religious doctrine because the ends of religion are now supernatural and placed under the jurisdiction of the church. Divine law revealed through the ministry of Jesus Christ addresses humanity’s supernatural end. It is the church—and in Roman mind, the Roman Catholic Church alone—that is entrusted with the authority over this new supernatural order.

7. Rather than attempting to advance a theocracy, integralists want a Catholic confessional state. Thomas Pink, professor of philosophy at King’s College London says that “while the state remains the sovereign potestas[power] over civil questions, the Church is now the sole potestas[power] over religion, with a sovereign jurisdiction based on baptism to legislate for religion and to enforce that law through punishments.” Pink adds:

The state should publicly recognise the truth of the Catholic religion. But since religion is now a supernatural good, it entirely transcends the authority of the state, as natural goods such as transport and education do not. So when the state legislates and punishes for purely religious ends, such as to privilege a religion just on grounds of its truth or to further people’s salvation, it can only properly do so as agent for the authority of the Church—as the Church’s secular arm. And that the state, when publicly Christian and so directed by the Church, is bound to do—as canon 2198 of the 1917 Code reflects. Since the supernatural good of religion is higher than any natural good, the state should submit its authority to that of the Church in matters specific to religion, as (Leo XIII’s parallel) the body submits in intellectual matters to the soul.

8. For many integralists, the nation that comes closest to fulfilling their vision in the modern age is Poland. As Jozef Andrew Kosc says:

In Poland in 2018, an unabashedly Catholic society is fully integrated into a modern European polity and economy. This society represents an integral and democratic Catholicism, one that has resisted the anti-culture of postmodernism and neoliberal cosmopolitanism. Americans might describe it as a national Benedict Option—though the Poles would reject Rod Dreher’s term, since most have little conception of the aggressive secular liberalism that exists across the rest of the West. For them, cultural Catholicism is a normal way of life.

9. Integralists recognize the difficulty in implementing their political vision in America. “There is no country on earth today where an integralist program is likely to have any immediate success,” admits integralist Edmund Waldstein, O.Cist. One approach to moving toward integralism is ralliement, an idea derived from Leo XIII’s 1892 encyclical Au Milieu des Sollicitudes, which urged French Catholics to rally to the Third French Republic in order to transform it from within. A prominent advocate of ralliement is Adrian Vermeule, a professor of constitutional law at Harvard Law School. Vermeule’s strategic approach is for Catholics to “work within a liberal order towards the long-term goal, not of reaching a stable accommodation with liberalism, even in a baptized form, but rather with a view to eventually superseding it altogether.” His recommended tactical approach is to model the biblical figures of Joseph, Mordecai, Esther, and Daniel in co-opting the administrative state and promoting “integration from within”:

Insofar as these figures, like Joseph, Mordecai, and Daniel, hold posts as elite administrators—or if, like Esther, they gain the affection and respect of those who formally wield power, and thereby exert influence—they may even come to occupy the commanding heights of the administrative state. Again, this is not to be imagined as disloyal, or as anything but worthy service to the regime. But in the setting of the administrative state, these agents may have a great deal of discretion to further human dignity and the common good, defined entirely in substantive rather than procedural-technical terms.

Joseph, Mordecai, Esther, and Daniel, however, mainly attempt to ensure the survival of their faith communities in an interim age of exile and dispossession. They do not evangelize or preach with a view to bringing about the birth of an entirely new regime, from within the old. They mitigate the long defeat for those who become targets of the regime in liberalism’s twilight era, and this will surely have to be the main aim for some time to come. In the much longer run, it is permissible to dream, however fitfully, that other models may one day become relevant, in a postliberal future of uncertain shape.

Vermeule says that his version of ralliement focuses on executive-type bureaucracies rather than on parliamentary-democratic institutions.

10. In the article that launched the debate Ahmari claimed, “[President Trump’s] instinct has been to shift the cultural and political mix, ever so slightly, away from autonomy-above-all toward order, continuity, and social cohesion. He believes that the political community—and not just the church, family, and individual—has its own legitimate scope for action. He believes it can help protect the citizen from transnational forces beyond his control.” While most Christians would be surprised by that claim, for some integralists Trump is the champion they’ve been waiting for. As P.J. Smith says:

It seems to us self evident that Donald Trump, whether or not he could articulate his position in these terms, believes that it is possible to use state power to pursue a vision of the good. He is, as others have noted, inconsistent in this. However, it seems as though Trump has a few fixed ideas about what the common good of the United States requires and he is willing to exercise state power to achieve those ends. One can disagree with Trump’s concept of the good or his handful of fixed ideas or his implementations of state power in service of those ideas. But it seems to us beyond dispute that Trump is, in a way most presidents before him since Jimmy Carter have not been, willing to use state power to achieve these goals. To our mind, then, Trump represents, among many things, the beginning of a return to a vision of state power in American life that was last clearly represented by Richard Nixon.
 

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Vermeule just published an article at Postliberal Thought titled "Liberalism as a Felix Culpa":

At the end of his “Biglietto Speech,” the freshly-minted Cardinal Newman famously expressed confidence that despite the seemingly irresistible spread of theological and political liberalism in his lifetime — which might “be the ruin of many souls” — Providence would ensure that the Church as a whole would ultimately prevail against the “great apostasia.” The only question was how:

[W]hat is uncertain, and in these great contests commonly is uncertain, and what is commonly a great surprise, when it is witnessed, is the particular mode by which, in the event, Providence rescues and saves His elect inheritance. Sometimes our enemy is turned into a friend; sometimes he is despoiled of that special virulence of evil which was so threatening; sometimes he falls to pieces of himself; sometimes he does just so much as is beneficial, and then is removed. Commonly the Church has nothing more to do than to go on in her own proper duties, in confidence and peace; to stand still and to see the salvation of God.[1]

We may distinguish here two theses about the relationship between liberalism and Catholicism, one of which has been explored in recent writings, one of which has not been discussed recently, as far as I am aware. To find intimations of the second thesis, we have to return not only to Newman, but also to de Maistre and other 19th-century Catholic critics of liberalism.

The first thesis is that liberalism is self-undermining — that by internal causal processes it generates forces that destabilize its own supremacy and, in the extreme, depose and even destroy it. This corresponds to Newman’s “our enemy falls to pieces of himself.” The second, conceptually distinct thesis is that liberalism, although indisputably error in itself, is actually the very means by which Providence benefits the Church and helps it to fulfill its mission in history. I will call this “liberalism as a felix culpa,” locating it in the tradition of providentialist theory that sees either the Fall itself, or particular heresies and crimes in history, as means by which grace more abounds, such that Providence actually turns error into blessings that could not have come about absent the error. In this way, Providence fulfills de Maistre’s profound definition as “that for which even obstacles are means.”[2] To this idea corresponds Newman’s other surprising possibilities, in which “our enemy is turned into a friend” or that “he does just so much as is beneficial, and is then removed.” As we will see, Newman distinctly held a felix culpa view of liberalism, according to which theological liberalism, although a grave error, is itself an indispensable part of the developing process by which Providence both constrains the reason for the sake of reason’s own well-being, and also advances the infallible truths of dogma proclaimed by the Church.

Section 1 offers some general remarks on the felix culpa, both as a global claim about salvation history and in illustrative local applications. Section 2 lays out the two distinct critiques of liberalism and locates Newman’s felix culpa theory against the backdrop of Catholic critiques of liberalism after 1789. Section 3 focuses on Newman’s own major example, arguably the master motif of his thought: the conflict between Infallibility and Reason, between Authority and Private Judgment.

1. The Felix Culpa Tradition

The global version of the felix culpa should be distinguished from local applications and variants. In its largest sense, the felix culpa is a counterfactual theological claim about the whole of salvation history, according to which man's Fall through disobedience to God was not merely a fault but a "happy fault." God in his providence, by means of the Incarnation and the Resurrection, brought forth out of the wreckage of the Fall a redeemed creation, one that — crucially — is greater still than the old. Absent the Fall, the summit of felicity might never have been attained.

This is not obviously good theology. One might argue, without logical error, that the counterfactual is incompletely specified. Unfallen man, that is, might have enjoyed felicities unimaginable to us, and greater still even than those enjoyed by redeemed man. The tradition is otherwise, however, and holds with Augustine that "God judged it better to bring good out of evil than not to permit any evil to exist.”[3] As Aquinas puts it:

For God allows evils to happen in order to bring a greater good therefrom; hence it is written (Romans 5:20): "Where sin abounded, grace did more abound." Hence, too, in the blessing of the Paschal candle, we say: "O happy fault, that merited such and so great a Redeemer!"[4]

By contrast, local variants of the felix culpa are arguments to the effect that particular historical developments in particular places, rather than the whole of salvation history. The scriptural examples are familiar;[5] let me offer instead some less familiar examples from early modern theorists:

• In response to the failure of the Spanish Armada in 1588, Pedro de Ribadeneira argued that God allowed heresy to flourish so that His glory might all the more abound. “[God’s] power was glorified in the {eventual, long-run} victory over it; his wisdom was manifested in that he raised up teachers to refute the heretics; his goodness was revealed in that he inspired men to die for the faith; [and] the presence of heresy was a test of faith.”[6]

• Bishop Bossuet argued that the Roman Empire served as an indispensable means for the propagation of the Gospel, in two ways — both as creator of the Pax Romana, and also as persecutor of Christians:

The commerce of many different nations, formerly strangers to one another, and afterwards united under the Roman dominion, was one of the most powerful means that providence made use of for the propagation of the Gospel. If the same Roman empire persecuted for the space of three hundred years that new people, which was growing on all hands within its compass, that persecution confirmed the Christian church, and made her glory shine forth conspicuous together with her faith and patience.[7]

Of these two points, only the second is a felix culpa argument. The second point is hardly original to Bossuet, of course; as Aquinas put it, “there would be no patience of martyrs if there were no tyrannical persecution.”[8]

• The liberal and Protestant historian Herbert Butterfield actually argued that the (putative) horrors of the Wars of Religion were a felix culpa by which Providence prepared mens’ minds for liberalism:

Once the medieval Church had been split by the Reformation, the wars of Protestants and Catholics, precisely because they were so horrible, led to a different set of conditions, and brought about a new order which the modern world, from a certain point of view, would regard as superior, in that it was based on toleration. Initially neither party wanted toleration nor even conceived it as an ideal; but reflecting on that tragedy and making a virtue of necessity, men in the after-period established toleration, and came to rejoice in it — came, not merely to recognize it as the best thing Providence could arrange in a world of religious differences, but even to be glad that a religious schism had taken place to make such a benefit possible (emphasis added).[9]

We should be clear that although the global and local variants have a common conceptual structure, turning on counterfactual claims, they hardly entail one another. Even if one believes that salvation history overall has a felix culpa structure, it would be a rank instance of the fallacy of division to think that any particular historical episode itself conduces to the overall felix culpa path of that history. The latter may or may not be true, but would be true, it at all, for separate reasons.

2. Liberalism and its Critics

Let me now situate the felix culpa in the broader context of critiques of liberalism, with special attention to Catholic critiques. Many, both Catholic and otherwise, have argued that liberalism in some way undermines itself. I need not rehearse the whole history of this class of argument; a few landmarks will have to suffice. As to theological liberalism, Newman begins from the premise that “false liberty of thought” —- that is, reason applied to the subject matter of Revelation, the great category mistake of the fallen reason in Newman’s thought — is not only error, but suicidal error, in which reason falls into an all-pervading skepticism, including skepticism about its own powers, and thereby immolates itself. As to economic liberalism, there is Schumpeter’s idea that capitalism undermines itself by generating an intellectual class that is relentlessly hostile to capitalism;[10] Carl Schmitt’s thesis that “[a] society built exclusively on progressive technology would thus be nothing but revolutionary; but it would soon destroy itself and its technology”;[11] and the inquiry, pursued most famously by Kenneth Arrow and Albert Hirschman, whether markets undermine themselves by depleting the pre-liberal social and moral capital on which the efficient functioning of markets depend. As to political liberalism, there is a large literature adumbrating, in one form or another, famous words “spoken to Napoleon by the poet François Andrieux: ‘On ne s’appuie que sur ce qui résiste’ (You can lean only on what offers resistance).”[12] Political liberalism, on this account, relentlessly undermines the nonliberal institutions in civil society - family, community, church — that are necessary to buttress the liberal regime itself.

So much for the self-undermining thesis. An entirely distinct thesis is that liberalism, although an error or indeed a heresy taken in itself, works providentially over the long run to benefit the Church and the divine order of society that it promotes. These two theses are obviously compatible — one may hold both as a logical matter — but it is important that the first does not entail the second. It is perfectly possible to hold that liberalism eventually undermines itself while counting its rise and spread, while it lasts, as a pure cost — a pure deviation from Catholic truth that, as Newman notes, might result in the loss of many souls while the error runs its course, even if that error cannot ultimately prevail against the Church.

(Obviously enough, a third position is that liberalism and Catholicism are fully compatible as a matter of principle in the first place. I am trying to think my way through the Catholic critiques of liberalism on their own terms, accepting their fundamental assumptions, so I will bracket and ignore this possibility here. Even if one does hold such a view, it is of course of direct interest to see whether Catholic critics of liberalism can account for its rise, spread and persistence within the framework of salvation history).

Great critics of liberalism have held the first thesis without holding the second, or at least without emphasizing it. Louis Veuillot often argues that (theological, economic or political) liberalism defeats itself, but he seems to assume that, counterfactually, the world would have been strictly better off, from the standpoint of Catholic truth, if liberalism had never come into existence — precisely what the felix culpa thesis denies. As to Protestantism, which for Veuillot is theological liberalism and thus the direct ancestor and cause of other strands of liberalism, he writes

If Catholic unity had been maintained in the sixteenth century, there would be no more infidels, no more idolaters, no more slaves: the human race would be Christian today, and by the number and diversity of nations united in a common faith, it would have kept clear of the global despotism that is such a threat hanging over it now.[13]

On this view, the implicit counterfactual is simply that Catholicism would have been far better off without liberalism. There is no suggestion that absent liberalism, Catholicism could not have obtained some desirable benefit, to which the existence of liberalism was in fact indispensable.

In contrast to Veuillot, there is a robust tradition of Catholic felix culpa theorizing about liberalism (needless to say, from the opposite perspective to Butterfield’s). After 1789, and with increasing urgency through the 19th century, a major question for Catholic critics of both theological and political liberalism was how to account for the rise and terrifying spread of ideas and forms of social life that they took to be antithetical to holy Catholic truth, or even demonically inspired. Felix culpa accounts suggested that liberalism, although culpably sinful in itself, was the indispensable means by which Providence prepared Catholicism for an even greater future. Let me illustrate briefly by invoking the unholy trinity of de Maistre, Donoso Cortes and Carl Schmitt, before turning to Newman’s version, the most developed among the Catholic critics of liberalism.

• De Maistre’s Considerations on France, addressed specifically to 1789 and its aftermath, argued at length that the Revolution, although in itself profoundly criminal, was an irresistible force supported by Providence to sweep away obstacles to the even greater glory of a Catholic and royalist France. As to the monarchy, “[a]ll the monsters of the Revolution have, apparently, labored only for the monarchy.... [T]hanks to them, the king will reascend his throne with all his pomp and power, perhaps with an increase of power.” As to the Church, “the priesthood in France needed to be regenerated;” the constitutional oath of support for the Civil Constitution of the Clergy “sifted the clergy” such that “all those who swore it saw themselves led by degrees into an abyss of crime and disgrace.”[14]

• Donoso Cortes, writing to Montalembert in the aftermath of the revolutions of 1848, argued that “[c]onsidered in a certain way, revolutions, like heresies, are good because they clarify and confirm the faith. I had never understood the enormous rebellion of Lucifer, until I saw with my own eyes the senseless pride of Proudhon.”[15]

• Finally, and most grandly of all the three, Schmitt’s 1923 work Roman Catholicism and Political Form outlined a vision of the providential destiny of the Church, brought to its apotheosis through and by means of the spread across the globe of “economic rationality,” which for Schmitt included both the economic liberalism of the West and the economic planning of the Bolsheviks. Economic rationality attempts to depoliticize the public sphere and to reduce all public questions to managerial, cost-benefit calculations. It is the great opponent of the entirely different rationality of the Church, which is both juridical and authentically political. The spread of economic rationality is itself, however, the crucial precondition for the Church’s triumph at the end of history, because it drives out feeble compromises and forces all mankind to a final decision, in which an authentic form of life cannot be found extra ecclesiam:

Should economic thinking succeed in realizing its utopian goal and in bringing about an absolutely unpolitical condition of human society, the Church would remain the only agency of political thinking and political form. Then the Church would have a stupendous monopoly: its hierarchy would be nearer the political domination of the world than in the Middle Ages.[16]

3. Authority and Private Judgment

Let me now turn to Newman’s own felix culpa argument, which is less romantic, and generally more English, than those of the other great Catholic critics of liberalism I have mentioned. As I mentioned, the crucial problem for Newman is the self-destructive tendency of natural rationality, which inevitably tends to fall into theological liberalism — “false liberty of thought” — by subjecting Revelation to a rebellious, acidic scrutiny. In so doing, reason descends into a helpless, self-consuming skepticism. (Incidentally it is not even close to being true, as one sometimes hears, that Newman cares only or mainly about theological as opposed to political liberalism. He comments acidly on the latter throughout his corpus. What is true is that he thinks political liberalism is, conceptually and historically, an offshoot of theological liberalism, and that the latter is the root of the evil).

As against this, divine mercy provides mankind with the Church, an institution possessed of infallible authority, to shape and constrain the natural reason, preventing its suicide. “[The Church’s] object is, and its effect also, not to enfeeble the freedom or vigour of human thought in religious speculation, but to resist and control its extravagance.” From the fear-stricken standpoint of the liberal individual, this submission to an epistemological authority that is simply given by Revelation, not itself chosen as an authority by the individual’s reason, itself portends the very death of the natural reason. For Newman, however, it is the very existence of the constraint that paradoxically allows the reason to express and fulfill its real nature:

It will at first sight be said that the restless intellect of our common humanity is utterly weighed down [by infallible Authority], to the repression of all independent effort and action whatever, so that, if this is to be the mode of bringing it into order, it is brought into order only to be destroyed. But this is far from the result, far from what I conceive to be the intention of that high Providence who has provided a great remedy for a great evil,—far from borne out by the history of the conflict between Infallibility and Reason in the past, and the prospect of it in the future. The energy of the human intellect "does from opposition grow;" it thrives and is joyous, with a tough elastic strength, under the terrible blows of the divinely-fashioned weapon, and is never so much itself as when it has lately been overthrown (emphasis added).[17]

So far, this is a paradox but not yet a felix culpa argument. Newman has merely said that from the standpoint of the objective well-being of the reason, the existence of infallible constraint is both a necessary and a beneficial limitation, however much the reason might chafe at it. Rather, Newman’s great felix culpa claim occurs when he proceeds to argue that the error of theological liberalism is itself an indispensable element of the larger providential operation of the Church’s magisterium.

To understand the full picture, a few definitions are necessary. For Newman, “private judgement” is the exercise of individual reason. It is not that private judgment is intrinsically erroneous; there are, of course, vast stretches of human life that infallible Authority does not purport to reach, nor are regulated even by fallible social authorities for that matter. Newman is clear that “[l]iberty of thought is in itself a good; but it gives an opening to false liberty.” The problem of private judgment then, is that it inevitably produces theological liberalism unless checked.

The felix culpa twist here is that this dynamic process — in which private judgment produces false liberty of thought, which is in turn checked by infallible authority, whose judgments must then be interpreted, and so on — is for Newman a positively desirable process, not merely a costly form of damage control. The errors and excesses of reason contribute to, are a causal force within, the success of the process itself. In this sense, it is a mistake to think that “false liberty of thought” is bad, simpliciter; it is a mistake for Catholics to simply read the wild epistemological rebellion of Protestantism in reverse. Of course theological liberalism is not only bad, but is a wicked and indeed literally damnable error, taken by itself. But it is also providentially transformed into the very means by which the infallible dogmatic teaching of the Church is developed and refined over time:

It is the custom with Protestant writers to consider that, whereas there are two great principles in action in the history of religion, Authority and Private Judgment, they have all the Private Judgment to themselves, and we have the full inheritance and the superincumbent oppression of Authority. But this is not so; it is the vast Catholic body itself, and it only, which affords an arena for both combatants in that awful, never-dying duel. It is necessary for the very life of religion, viewed in its large operations and its history, that the warfare should be incessantly carried on. Every exercise of Infallibility is brought out into act by an intense and varied operation of the Reason, from within and without, and provokes again, when it has done its work, a re-action of Reason against it; and, as in a civil polity the State exists and endures by means of the rivalry and collision, the encroachments and defeats of its constituent parts, so in like manner Catholic Christendom is no simple exhibition of religious absolutism, but [it] presents a continuous picture of Authority and Private Judgment alternately advancing and retreating as the ebb and flow of the tide.[18]

Indeed, the same process operates not only within the ordinary life of the Church, but at the level of the Church’s extraordinary councils as well, seen as a process of successive correction over time. As Newman wrote, rather presciently, after the First Vatican Council: “It would seem as if the Church moved on to the perfect truth by various successive declarations, alternately in contrary directions, and thus perfecting, completing, supplying each other. Let us have a little faith in her, I say. Pius is not the last of the Popes—the fourth Council modified the third, the fifth the fourth.”[19]

Epistemologically, on this view, the Church must be understood a vast complexio oppositorum, in which the challenge of individual reason to the Church’s infallibility is itself subsumed as an indispensable part of the providential design. In this way (to end where we began) Newman believes that “our enemy is turned into a friend ... he does just so much as is beneficial, and is then removed.” This is perhaps the most elegant exemplar of the species of argument I have tried to uncover here, the vision of liberalism as a felix culpa.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Behold the "Spirit of Vatican II":

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Amazing story. Boomer Catholics who proudly display an “immigrants and refugees welcome” banner refuse to welcome a priest from Nigeria.<a href="https://t.co/c5BkenXguv">https://t.co/c5BkenXguv</a></p>— Matthew Schmitz (@matthewschmitz) <a href="https://twitter.com/matthewschmitz/status/1161649640388857856?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 14, 2019</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/JT3TD2nUclI" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">The Catholic Church in the U.S., as portrayed by certain foreign critics: <br>Overly rigid. Teeming with “neo-traditionalists” and “neo-Integralists”. <br><br>What the Catholic Church in the U.S. is really like: <br>👇👇👇 <a href="https://t.co/BpE30kQzGp">https://t.co/BpE30kQzGp</a></p>— Chateaubriand ن (@Chateaubriand__) <a href="https://twitter.com/Chateaubriand__/status/1161677107489062914?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 14, 2019</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
 

Whiskeyjack

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Today, the Feast of the Assumption of Mary, is holy day of obligation. Go to mass!

ECBB8XsXkAAzFoc
 

Whiskeyjack

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You guys ever spend any time on Weird Catholic Twitter? Those guys are the worst.

It's pretty much my exclusive residence on Twitter. But it includes of broad range of types. Who specifically do you have in mind?

This post by Professor Candace Vogler, titled "A Spiritual Autobiography", is an incredible read. Long but well worth your time.
 

wizards8507

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It's pretty much my exclusive residence on Twitter. But it includes of broad range of types. Who specifically do you have in mind?
Kev, Mecha, and that crew. Kev in particular is such a fraud. He fancies himself some sort of hero of the Catholic proletariat but he's an Ivy League investment consultant with Deloitte in NYC, almost certainly making well over $200k a year. His minions are almost all incels. The rest of the crew, even the married ones, are the Catholic version of the progressive humanities students who complain about "the system" because they took economically useless majors and now they can't pay their student loans. For some reason Vermeule takes these guys seriously.

I do like Good Tweetman though. I hope he finds someone.
 
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Whiskeyjack

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Was wondering what some of you guys thought about this.
Pope Francis doesn’t believe in a physical resurrection?


https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ar...-resurrection-Christ-says-Italian-friend.html

Figured this was about Scalfari before I even clicked on the link. Dude's an ancient Italian atheist who the Pope apparently counts as a friend. Every time they meet, he claims that Francis told him something outrageous, which the Vatican immediately denies. I wish the Pope would just cut him off (because Scalfari's claims cause scandal), but I don't put any stock in what he says.
 

greyhammer90

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Figured this was about Scalfari before I even clicked on the link. Dude's an ancient Italian atheist who the Pope apparently counts as a friend. Every time they meet, he claims that Francis told him something outrageous, which the Vatican immediately denies. I wish the Pope would just cut him off (because Scalfari's claims cause scandal), but I don't put any stock in what he says.

Yeah, a cardinal who later became pope telling a known atheist reporter casually over dinner about how much he fundamentally is not really a catholic seems a little too good to be true for the r/atheism crowd.
 

no.1IrishFan

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It seemed very peculiar to me. I was not aware of Scalfari's background. Much ado about nothing, I guess.
 

NDMontana

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Figured this was about Scalfari before I even clicked on the link. Dude's an ancient Italian atheist who the Pope apparently counts as a friend. Every time they meet, he claims that Francis told him something outrageous, which the Vatican immediately denies. I wish the Pope would just cut him off (because Scalfari's claims cause scandal), but I don't put any stock in what he says.

Have you ever read the Vatican's denials? The denials are pretty lousy and, as you say, the pope keeps going to him. Plus there's a document he signed regarding God willing a diversity of religions. Actively? No way. Permissively? Obviously. But that wasn't how it read.

Anyhow, the Vatican denials analogically are tantamount to me saying "I've never been to the Motel 6 on Main Street." in response to my wife asking if I rented a room at the Motel 6 on Main Street last Saturday because I am engaging an affair with a woman named Lisa.
 

Old Man Mike

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Bartholomew is a VERY good man, and somewhat fearless about voicing ecumenical ideas and care for The Creation. I applaud this choice for commencement.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Bartholomew recently told a group of Athonites that there are no dogmatic differences between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, and that an eventually reunion with Rome is "inevitable".
 

Bluto

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Bartholomew recently told a group of Athonites that there are no dogmatic differences between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, and that an eventually reunion with Rome is "inevitable".

Did you happen to see Episode 2 “The Cross and the Crescent” of the PBS Series Africa’s Greatest Civilizations? Some very interesting stuff in terms of the role East Africa played in the rise of early Christianity.
 

NorthDakota

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Bartholomew recently told a group of Athonites that there are no dogmatic differences between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, and that an eventually reunion with Rome is "inevitable".

Would be great to have the reunion in my lifetime.

Did you happen to see Episode 2 “The Cross and the Crescent” of the PBS Series Africa’s Greatest Civilizations? Some very interesting stuff in terms of the role East Africa played in the rise of early Christianity.

Our Coptic brothers?
 

Whiskeyjack

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The Lamp just published J.D. Vance's conversion story, titled "How I Joined the Resistance":

I often wonder what my grandmother—Mamaw, as I called her—would have thought about her grandson becoming Catholic. We used to argue about religion constantly. She was a woman of deep, but completely de-institutionalized, faith. She loved Billy Graham and Donald Ison, a preacher from her home in southeastern Kentucky. But she loathed “organized religion.” She often wondered aloud how the simple message of sin, redemption, and grace had given way to the televangelists on our early 1990s Ohio TV screen. “These people are all crooks and perverts,” she told me. “All they want is money.” But she watched them anyway, and they were the closest she usually came to regular church service, at least in Ohio. Unless she was back home in Kentucky, she rarely attended church. And if she did, it was usually to satisfy my early adolescent quest for some attachment to Christianity besides the 700 Club.

Like many poor people, Mamaw rarely voted, seeing electoral politics as fundamentally corrupt. She liked F.D.R., Harry S. Truman, and that was about it. Unsurprisingly, a woman whose only political heroes had been dead for decades didn’t like politics as a matter of course and cared even less for the political drift of modern Protestantism. My first real exposure to an institutional church would come later, through my father’s large pentecostal congregation in southwestern Ohio. But I knew a few things about Catholicism well before then. I knew that Catholics worshipped Mary. I knew they rejected the legitimacy of Scripture. And I knew that the Antichrist—or at least, the Antichrists’s spiritual adviser—would be a Catholic. Or, at the time, I would have said, “is” a Catholic—as I felt pretty confident that the Antichrist walked among us.

Mamaw seemed not to care much about Catholics. Her younger daughter had married one, and she thought him a good man. She felt their way of worshipping was rather formal and peculiar, but what mattered to her was Jesus. Revelation 18 may have been about Catholics, and it may have been about something else. But the Catholic she knew cared about Jesus, and that was all right with her.

Still, Mamaw looms so large in my mind—she still, more than a decade after her death, is the person to whom I most feel indebted. Without her, I wouldn’t be here. And the uncomfortable fact is that the Christ of the Catholic Church always seemed a little different from the Jesus I’d grown up with. A little too stodgy, too formal. Wallman’s famous portrait of Christ hung upstairs near my bedroom, and that’s how I encountered him: personal and kind, but a little forlorn. The Christ of Catholicism floated high above you, as a grown man or a baby, wreathed in beams of light and crowned like a king. There is no way to avoid the discomfort a woman like Mamaw felt with that kind of a Christ. The Catholic Jesus was a majestic deity, and we had little interest in majestic deities because we weren’t a majestic people.

This was the most significant hangup I encountered after I began to think about becoming Catholic. I could think myself out of most standard objections. Catholics didn’t, it turned out, worship Mary. Their acceptance of both scriptural and traditional authority slowly appeared to me as wisdom, as I watched too many of my friends struggle with what a given passage of Scripture could possibly mean. I even began to acquire a sense that Catholicism possessed a historical continuity with the Church Fathers—indeed, with Christ Himself—that the unchurched religion of my upbringing couldn’t match. Yet I couldn’t shake the feeling that if I converted I would no longer be my grandmother’s grandson. So for many years I occupied the uncomfortable territory between curiosity about Catholicism and mistrust.

I got there in a pretty conventional way. I joined the Marines after high school, like so many of my peers—indeed, the only other 2003 high-school graduate on my block also enlisted in the Marines. I left for Iraq in 2005, a young idealist committed to spreading democracy and liberalism to the backward nations of the world. I returned in 2006, skeptical of the war and the ideology that underpinned it. Mamaw was dead, and without a church or anything to anchor me to the faith of my youth, I slid from devout to nominal, and then to something very much less. By the time I left the Marines in 2007 and began college at The Ohio State University, I read Christopher Hitchens and Sam Harris, and called myself an atheist.

I won’t belabor the story of how I got there, because it is both conventional and boring. A lot of it had to do with a feeling of irrelevance: increasingly, the religious leaders I turned to tended to argue that if you prayed hard enough and believed hard enough, God would reward your faith with earthly riches. But I knew many people who believed and prayed a lot without any riches to show for it. But there are two insights worth reflecting from that phase in my life, as they both presaged an intellectual awakening not long ago that ultimately led me back to Christ. The first is that, for an upwardly mobile poor kid from a rough family, atheism leads to an undeniable familial and cultural rupture. To be an atheist is to be no longer of the community that made you who you were. For so long, I hid my unbelief from my family—and not because any of them would have cared very much. Very few of family members attended church, but everyone believed in something rather than nothing.

There were ways of compensating for this, and one of those (at least for me) was a brief flirtation with libertarianism. To lose my faith was to lose my cultural conservatism, and in a world that was growing increasingly aligned with the Republican party, my ideological response took the form of overcompensation: having lost my cultural conservatism, I would become even more economically conservative. The irony, of course, is that it was the economic program of the Republican party that least interested my family—none of them cared how much the Bush administration slashed tax rates for billionaires. The G.O.P. became a kind of totem—I attached myself to it ever more strongly because it gave me some common ground with my family. And the most respectable way to do so among my new college friends was through a dogged commitment to neoliberal economic orthodoxy. Tax breaks and Social Security cuts were socially acceptable ways to be conservative among the American elite.

The second insight is that my abandonment of religion was more cultural than intellectual. There were ways in which I found my religion difficult to square with science as it came to me. I’ve never been a classical Darwinist, for instance, for reasons David Gelerntner has outlined in his excellent new book. But evolutionary theory in some form struck me as plausible, and though I consumed Tornado in a Junkyard and every other work of Young Earth Creationism, I eventually got to the point where I couldn’t square my understanding of biology with what my church told me I had to believe. I was never so committed to Young Earth Creationism that I felt I had to choose between biology and Genesis. But the tension between a scientific account of our origin and the biblical account I’d absorbed made it easier to discard my faith.

And the truth is that I discarded it for the simplest of reasons: the madness of crowds. Much of my new atheism came down to a desire for social acceptance among American elites. I spent so much of my time around a different type of people with a different set of priorities that I couldn’t help but absorb some of their preferences. I became interested in secularism just as my attention turned to my separation from the Marines and my impending transition to college. I knew how the educated tended to feel about religion: at best, provincial and stupid; at worst, evil. Echoing Hitchens, I began to think and then eventually to say things like: “The Christian cosmos is more like North Korea than America, and I know where I’d like to live.” I was fitting in to my new caste, in deed and emotion. I am embarrassed to admit this, but the truth often reflects poorly on its subject.

And if I can say something in my defense: it wasn’t exactly conscious. I didn’t think to myself, “I am not going to be a Christian because Christians are rubes and I want to plant myself firmly in the meritocratic master class.” Socialization operates in more subtle, but more powerful ways. My son is two, and he has in the last six months—just as his social intelligence has skyrocketed—transitioned from ripping our German Shepherd’s fur out to hugging and kissing him gleefully. Part of that comes from the joy of giving and receiving affections from man’s best friend. But part of it comes from the fact that my wife and I grimace and complain when he tortures the dog but coo and laugh when he loves on it. He responds to us much as I responded to the educated caste to which I slowly gained exposure. In college, very few of my friends and even fewer of my professors had any sort of religious faith. Secularism may not have been a prerequisite to join the elites, but it sure made things easier.

Of course, if you had told me this when I was twenty four, I would have protested vigorously. I would have quoted not just Hitchens, but Russell and Ayer. I would have told you all the ways in which C.S. Lewis was a moron whose arguments could only hold water against third-rate intellects. I’d watch Ravi Zacharias just to note the problems in his arguments, lest a better-read Christian deploy those arguments against me. I prided myself on an ability to overwhelm the opposition with my logic. There was an arrogance at the heart of my worldview, emotionally and intellectually. But I comforted myself with an appeal to a philosopher whose atheism-cum-libertarianism told me everything I wanted to hear: Ayn Rand. Great, smart men were only arrogant if they were wrong, and I was anything but that.

But there were seeds of doubt, one planted in the mind, and the other in the heart. The former I encountered during a mid-level philosophy course at Ohio State. We had read a famous written debate between Antony Flew, R.M. Hare, and Basil Mitchell. Flew, an atheist (though he later recanted) argues that theological utterances—like “God loves man”—are fundamentally unfalsifiable, and thus meaningless. Because believers won’t let a fact count against their faith, their views aren’t really claims about the world. This certainly spoke to my experience of what believers say when faced with apparent difficulties. Confronted with unspeakable tragedy? “The Lord works in mysterious ways.” In the face of loneliness and desperation? “God still loves you.” If real, obvious challenges to these sentiments were processed and then ignored by the faithful, then their faith must be pretty hollow. Our class spent the most time discussing Flew’s opening volley, and the response by Hare—which, essentially, concedes Flew’s point but argues that religious feelings are meaningful and potentially true nonetheless.

Basil Mitchell’s response received less attention in class, but his words remain among the most powerful I’ve ever read. I have thought about them constantly since. He begins with a parable about a wartime soldier in occupied territory who meets a “Stranger.” The soldier is so taken with the Stranger that he believes he is the leader of the resistance.

Sometimes the Stranger is seen helping members of the resistance, and the partisan is grateful and says to his friends, “He is on our side.” Sometimes he is seen in the uniform of the police handing over patriots to the occupying power. On these occasions his friends murmur against him: but the partisan still says, “He is on our side.” He still believes that, in spite of appearances, the Stranger did not deceive him. Sometimes he asks the Stranger for help and receives it. He is then thankful. Sometimes he asks and does not receive it. Then he says, “The Stranger knows best.” Sometimes his friends, in exasperation, say, “Well, what would he have to do for you to admit that you were wrong and that he is not on our side?” But the partisan refuses to answer. He will not consent to put the Stranger to the test. And sometimes his friends complain, “Well, if that’s what you mean by his being on our side, the sooner he goes over to the other side the better.” The partisan of the parable does not allow anything to count decisively against the proposition “The Stranger is on our side.” This is because he has committed himself to trust the Stranger. But he of course recognizes that the Stranger’s ambiguous behaviour does count against what he believes about him. It is precisely this situation which constitutes the trial of his faith.
At the time, I tried my best to dismiss Mitchell’s response. Flew had described the faith I’d discarded perfectly. But Mitchell articulated a faith that I had never encountered personally. Doubt was unacceptable. I had thought that the proper response to a trial of faith was to suppress it and pretend it never happened. But here was Mitchell, conceding that the brokenness of the world and our individual tribulations did, in fact, count against the existence of God. But not definitively. I would eventually conclude that Mitchell had won the philosophical debate years before I realized how much his humility in the face of doubt affected my own faith.

As I advanced through our educational hierarchy—moving on from Ohio State to Yale Law School—I began to worry that my assimilation into elite culture came at a high cost. My sister once told me that the song that made her think of me was “Simple Man” by Lynyrd Skynyrd. Though I had fallen in love, I found that the emotional demons of my childhood made it hard to be the type of partner I’d always wanted to be. My Randian arrogance about my own ability melted away when confronted with the realization that an obsession with achievement would fail to produce the achievement that mattered most to me for so much of my life: a happy, thriving family.

I had immersed myself in the logic of the meritocracy and found it deeply unsatisfying. And I began to wonder: were all these worldly markers of success actually making me a better person? I had traded virtue for achievement and found the latter wanting. But the woman I wanted to marry cared little whether I obtained a Supreme Court clerkship. She just wanted me to be a good person.

It’s possible, of course, to overstate our own inadequacies. I never cheated on my would-be spouse. I never became violent with her. But there was a voice in my head that demanded better of me: that I put her interests above my own; that I master my temper for her sake as much as for mine. And I began to realize that this voice, wherever it came from, was not the same one that compelled me to climb as high as I could up our ladder of meritocracy. It came from somewhere more ancient, and more grounded—it required reflection about where I came from rather than cultural divorce from it.

As I considered these twin desires—for success and character—and how they conflicted (and didn’t), I came across a meditation from Saint Augustine on Genesis. I had been a fan of Augustine since a political theorist in college assigned City of God. But his thoughts on Genesis spoke to me, and are worth reproducing at length:

In matters that are obscure and far beyond our vision, even in such as we may find treated in Holy Scripture, different Interpretations are sometimes possible without prejudice to the faith we have received. In such a case, we should not rush in headlong and so firmly take our stand on one side that, if further progress in the search of truth justly undermines this position, we too fall with it. That would be to battle not for the teaching of Holy Scripture but for our own, wishing its teaching to conform to ours, whereas we ought to wish ours to conform to that of Sacred Scripture.

Let us suppose that in explaining the words, “And God said, ‘Let there be light,’ and light was made,” (Gn 1, 3), one man thinks that it was material light that was made, and another that it was spiritual. As to the actual existence of “spiritual light” in a spiritual creature, our faith leaves no doubt; as to the existence of material light, celestial or supercelestial, even existing before the heavens, a light which could have been followed by night, there will be nothing in such a supposition contrary to the faith until un-erring truth gives the lie to it. And if that should happen, this teaching was never in Holy Scripture but was an opinion proposed by man in his ignorance.

Usually, even a non-Christian knows something about the earth, the heavens, and the other elements of the world, about the motion and orbit of the stars and even their size and relative positions, about the predictable eclipses of the sun and moon, the cycles of the years and the seasons, about the kinds of animals, shrubs, stones, and so forth, and this knowledge he holds to as being certain from reason and experience. Now, it is a disgraceful and dangerous thing for an infidel to hear a Christian, presumably giving the meaning of Holy Scripture, talking nonsense on these topics; and we should take all means to prevent such an embarrassing situation, in which people show up vast ignorance in a Christian and laugh it to scorn. The shame is not so much that an ignorant individual is derided, but that people outside the household of faith think our sacred writers held such opinions, and, to the great loss of those for whose salvation we toil, the writers of our Scripture are criticized and rejected as unlearned men. If they find a Christian mistaken in a field which they themselves know well and hear him maintaining his foolish opinions about our books, how are they going to believe those books in matters concerning the resurrection of the dead, the hope of eternal life, and the kingdom of heaven, when they think their pages are full of falsehoods on facts which they themselves have learnt from experience and the light of reason?

I couldn’t stop thinking about how I would have reacted to this passage when I was a kid: If someone had made the very same argument to me when I was 17, I would have called him a heretic. This was an accommodation to science, the kind that someone like Bill Maher rightly mocked contemporary moderate Christians for indulging. Yet here was a person telling us 1600 years ago that my own approach to Genesis was arrogance—the kind that might turn a person from his faith.

This, it turned out, was a little too on the nose, and the first crack in my proverbial armor. I began circulating the quote among friends—believers and nonbelievers alike, and I thought about it constantly.

Around the same time, I attended a talk at our law school with Peter Thiel. This was 2011, and Thiel was a well-known venture capitalist but hardly a household name. He would later blurb my book and become a good friend, but I had no idea what to expect at the time. He spoke first in personal terms: arguing that we were increasingly tracked into cutthroat professional competitions. We would compete for appellate clerkships, and then Supreme Court clerkships. We would compete for jobs at elite law firms, and then for partnerships at those same places. At each juncture, he said, our jobs would offer longer work hours, social alienation from our peers, and work whose prestige would fail to make up for its meaninglessness. He also argued that his own world of Silicon Valley spent too little time on the technological breakthroughs that made life better—those in biology, energy, and transportation—and too much on things like software and mobile phones. Everyone could now tweet at each other, or post photos on Facebook, but it took longer to travel to Europe, we had no cure for cognitive decline and dementia, and our energy use increasingly dirtied the planet. He saw these two trends—elite professionals trapped in hyper-competitive jobs, and the technological stagnation of society—as connected. If technological innovation were actually driving real prosperity, our elites wouldn’t feel increasingly competitive with one another over a dwindling number of prestigious outcomes.

Peter’s talk remains the most significant moment of my time at Yale Law School. He articulated a feeling that had until then remained unformed: that I was obsessed with achievement in se—not as an end to something meaningful, but to win a social competition. My worry that I had prioritized striving over character took on a heightened significance: striving for what? I didn’t even know why I cared about the things I cared about. I fancied myself educated, enlightened, and especially wise about the ways of the world—at least compared with most of the people from my hometown. Yet I was obsessed with obtaining professional credentials—a clerkship with a federal judge and then an associate position at a prestigious firm—that I didn’t understand. I hated my limited exposure to legal practice. I looked to the future, and realized that I’d been running a desperate race where the first prize was a job I hated.

I began immediately planning for a career outside the law, which is why I spent less than two years after graduation as a practicing attorney. But Peter left me with one more thing: he was possibly the smartest person I’d ever met, but he was also a Christian. He defied the social template I had constructed—that dumb people were Christians and smart ones atheists. I began to wonder where his religious belief came from, which led me to René Girard, the French philosopher whom he apparently studied under at Stanford. Girard’s thought is rich enough that any effort to summarize will fail to do the man justice. His theory of mimetic rivalry—that we tend to compete over the things that other people want—spoke directly to some of the pressures I experienced at Yale. But it was his related theory of the scapegoat—and what it revealed about Christianity—that made me reconsider my faith.

One of Girard’s central insights is that human civilizations are often, perhaps even always, founded on a “scapegoat myth”—an act of violence committed against someone who has wronged the broader community, retold as a sort of origin story for the community.

Girard points out that Romulus and Remus are, like Christ, divine children, and, like Moses, placed in a river basket to save them from a jealous king. There was a time when I bristled at such comparisons, worried than any seeming lack of originality on the part of Scripture meant that it couldn’t be true. This is a common rhetorical device of the New Atheists: point to some creation story—like the flood narrative in the Epic of Gilgamesh—as evidence that the sacred authors have plagiarized their story from some earlier civilization. It reasonably follows that if the biblical story is lifted from somewhere else, the version in the Bible may not be the Word of God after all.

But Girard rejects this inference, and leans into the similarities between biblical stories and those from other civilizations. To Girard, the Christian story contains a crucial difference—a difference that reveals something “hidden since the foundation of the world.” In the Christian telling, the ultimate scapegoat has not wronged the civilization; the civilization has wronged him. The victim of the madness of crowds is, as Christ was, infintely powerful powerful—able to prevent his own murder—and perfectly innocent—undeserving of the rage and violence of the crowd. In Christ, we see our efforts to shift blame and our own inadequacies onto a victim for what they are: a moral failing, projected violently upon someone else. Christ is the scapegoat who reveals our imperfections, and forces us to look at our own flaws rather than blame our society’s chosen victims.

People come to truth in different ways, and I’m sure some will find this account unsatisfying. But in 2013, it captured so well the psychology of my generation, especially its most privileged inhabitants. Mired in the swamp of social media, we identified a scapegoat and digitally pounced. We were keyboard warriors, unloading on people via Facebook and Twitter, blind to our own problems. We fought over jobs we didn’t actually want while pretending we didn’t fight for them at all. And the end result for me, at least, was that I had lost the language of virtue. I felt more shame over failing in a law school exam than I did about losing my temper with my girlfriend.

That all had to change. It was time to stop scapegoating and focus on what I could do to improve things.

These very personal reflections on faith, conformity, and virtue coincided with a writing project that would eventually become a very public success: Hillbilly Elegy, the hybrid book of memoir and social commentary I published in 2016. I look back on earlier drafts of the book, and realize just how much I changed from 2013 to 2015: I started the book angry, resentful of my mother, especially, and confident in my own abilities. I finished it a little humbled, and very unsure about what to do to “solve” so many of our social problems. And the answer I landed on, as unsatisfactory then as it is now, is that you can’t actually “solve” our social problems. The best you can hope for is to reduce them or to blunt their effects.

I noticed during my research that many of those social problems came from behavior for which social scientists and policy experts had a different vocabulary. On the right, the conversation often turned to “culture” and “personal responsibility”—the ways in which individuals or communities held back their own progress. And though it seemed obvious to me that there was something dysfunctional about some of the places in which I’d grown up, the discourse on the right seemed a little heartless. It failed to account for the fact that destructive behaviors were almost always tragedies with terrible consequences. It is one thing to wag your finger at another person for failing to act a certain way, but it is something else to feel the weight of the misery that comes from those actions.

The left’s intellectuals focused much more on the structural and external problems facing families like mine—the difficulty in finding jobs and the lack of funding for certain types of resources. And while I agreed that more resources were often necessary, there seemed to me a sense in which our most destructive behaviors persisted—even flourished—in times of material comfort. The economic left was often more compassionate, but theirs was a kind of compassion—devoid of any expectation—that reeked of giving up. A compassion that assumes a person is disadvantaged to the point of hopelessness is like sympathy for a zoo animal, and I had no use for it.

And as I reflected on these competing views of the world, and the wisdom and shortcomings of each, I felt desperate for a worldview that understood our bad behavior as simultaneously social and individual, structural and moral; that recognized that we are products of our environment; that we have a responsibility to change that environment, but that we are still moral beings with individual duties; one that could speak against rising rates of divorce and addiction, not as sanitized conclusions about their negative social externalities, but with moral outrage. And I realized, eventually, that I had already been exposed to that worldview: it was my Mamaw’s Christianity. And the name it gave for the behaviors I had seen destroy lives and communities was “sin.” I remembered one of my least favorite passages from Scripture, Numbers 14:18, in a new light: “The LORD is slow to anger, abounding in love and forgiving sin and rebellion. Yet he does not leave the guilty unpunished; he punishes the children for the sin of the parents to the third and fourth generation.”

A decade ago, I took this as evidence of a vengeful, irrational God. Yet who could look at the statistics on what our early twenty-first century culture and politics had wrought—the misery, the rising suicide rates, the “deaths of despair” in the richest country on earth, and doubt that the sins of parents had any effect on their children?

And here, again, the words of Saint Augustine echoed from a millennium and a half earlier, articulating a truth I had felt for a long time but hadn’t spoken. This is a passage from City of God, where Augustine summarizes the debauchery of Rome’s ruling class:

This is our concern, that every man be able to increase his wealth so as to supply his daily prodigalities, and so that the powerful may subject the weak for their own purposes. Let the poor court the rich for a living, and that under their protection they may enjoy a sluggish tranquillity; and let the rich abuse the poor as their dependants, to minister to their pride. Let the people applaud not those who protect their interests, but those who provide them with pleasure. Let no severe duty be commanded, no impurity forbidden. Let kings estimate their prosperity, not by the righteousness, but by the servility of their subjects. Let the provinces stand loyal to the kings, not as moral guides, but as lords of their possessions and purveyors of their pleasures; not with a hearty reverence, but a crooked and servile fear. Let the laws take cognizance rather of the injury done to another man’s property, than of that done to one’s own person. If a man be a nuisance to his neighbor, or injure his property, family, or person, let him be actionable; but in his own affairs let everyone with impunity do what he will in company with his own family, and with those who willingly join him. Let there be a plentiful supply of public prostitutes for every one who wishes to use them, but specially for those who are too poor to keep one for their private use. Let there be erected houses of the largest and most ornate description: in these let there be provided the most sumptuous banquets, where every one who pleases may, by day or night, play, drink, vomit, dissipate. Let there be everywhere heard the rustling of dancers, the loud, immodest laughter of the theatre; let a succession of the most cruel and the most voluptuous pleasures maintain a perpetual excitement. If such happiness is distasteful to any, let him be branded as a public enemy; and if any attempt to modify or put an end to it let him be silenced, banished, put an end to. Let these be reckoned the true gods, who procure for the people this condition of things, and preserve it when once possessed.

It was the best criticism of our modern age I’d ever read. A society oriented entirely towards consumption and pleasure, spurning duty and virtue. Not long after I first read these words, my friend Oren Cass published a book arguing that American policy makers have focused far too much on promoting consumption as opposed to productivity, or some other measure of wellbeing. The reaction—criticizing Oren for daring to push policies that might lower consumption—almost proved the argument. “Yes,” I found myself saying, “Oren’s preferred policies might reduce per-capita consumption. But that’s precisely the point: our society is more than the sum of its economic statistics. If people die sooner in the midst of historic levels of consumption, then perhaps our focus on consumption is misguided.”

And indeed it was this insight, more than any other, that ultimately led not just to Christianity, but to Catholicism. Despite my Mamaw’s unfamiliarity with the liturgy, the Roman and Italian cultural influences, and the foreign pope, I slowly began to see Catholicism as the closest expression of her kind of Christanity: obsessed with virtue, but cognizant of the fact that virtue is formed in the context of a broader community; sympathetic with the meek and poor of the world without treating them primarily as victims; protective of children and families and with the things necessary to ensure they thrive. And above all: a faith centered around a Christ who demands perfection of us even as He loves unconditionally and forgives easily.

It was this insight that took me from a few informal conversations with a couple of Dominican friars to a more serious period of study with one in particular. I almost wish it hadn’t been so gradual—that there had been an “aha!” moment that made me realize I just had to become Catholic. There were some weird coincidences that hastened my decision. One came about a year ago, at a conference I attended with largely conservative intellectuals. Late at night, at the hotel bar, I questioned a conservative Catholic writer about his criticism of the pope. (My growing view is that too many American Catholics have failed to show proper deference to the papacy, treating the pope as a political figure to be criticized or praised according to their whims.) While he admitted that some Catholics went too far, he defended his more measured approach, when suddenly a wine glass seemed to leap from a stable place behind the bar and crashed on the floor in front of us. We both stared at each other in silence for a bit, a little startled by what we’d just seen, before ending our conversation abruptly and excusing ourselves to turn in for the night.

Another took place in Washington, D.C., during a particularly grueling week of travel. I hadn’t seen my family in a few days, and hadn’t even had the time to call my toddler on the phone. In moments like this, I sometimes listen to a beautiful setting of of a psalm performed during Pope Francis’s visit to Georgia in 2016 by an Orthodox choir. I listened to it on the train from New York to Washington, where I knew a Dominican friar whom I decided to ask to coffee. He invited me to visit his community, where I heard the friars chanting, apparently, the same psalm. Now, I know it’s easy to make the skeptic’s case: J.D. watched a video of a priest chanting a Bible verse, and then he emailed a member of a religious order who later chanted the same thing. But to quote Samuel L. Jackson from Pulp Fiction: “You’re judging this shit the wrong way. I mean, it could be that God stopped the bullets, or He changed Coke to Pepsi, He found my f—g car keys. You don’t judge shit like this based on merit. Now, whether or not what we experienced was an ‘according to Hoyle’ miracle is insignificant. What is significant is that I felt the touch of God.”

So yes, during little moments over the last few years, I’ve felt the touch of God. As much as it would make for a better story, I cannot say that any of these things made me stand up and say, “It’s time to convert.” The move was more incremental. I became convinced that Mamaw would accept Catholic theology even if its cultural trappings made her feel uneasy. There were the words of Saint Augustine and Girard and the example of my Uncle Dan, who married into our family but demonstrated Christian virtue more thoroughly than any person I’d met. There were good friends who made me see that I didn’t need to abandon my reason before I approached the altar. I came eventually to believe that the teachings of the Catholic Church were true, but it happened slowly and unevenly.

There were things that made it harder, even after I’d made up my mind. The sexual abuse crisis made me wonder whether joining the Church meant subjecting my child to an institution that cared more for its own reputation than the protection of its members. Working through these feelings delayed my conversion for at least a few months. There was a concern that it would be unfair to my wife: she hadn’t married a Catholic, and I felt like I was throwing her into it. But from the beginning, she saw supported my decision, so I can’t blame the delay on her.

I was received into the Catholic Church on a beautiful day in mid-August, in a private ceremony not far from my house. I woke up on the day of my reception a little apprehensive, worried that I was making a big mistake. For all of my doubts about how Mamaw might have reacted, it was one of her favorite phrases that I heard, in her voice, ringing in my ears that morning: “Time to shit or get off the pot.”

I was baptized, and I received my first Communion. I found it all very beautiful, though I should admit that I still felt uneasy about something so far removed from my youthful churchgoing experiences. Much of my family came to support me. My two-year-old son—one of my favorite parts about the Church is that it encourages parents to bring their kids—chomped on a lot of Goldfish crackers. At the end of it, the Dominican friars who welcomed me hosted my friends and family for coffee and doughnuts.

I try to keep a little humility about how little I know, and how inadequate a Christian I really am. I am most comfortable engaging with people around ideas. If you can’t read something and debate it, I’ve always been a little less interested. But the Church isn’t just about ideas and Saint Augustine, whom I chose as my patron. It’s about the heart, as well, and the community of believers. It’s about going to Mass and receiving the Sacraments, even when it’s difficult or awkward to do so. It’s about so many things that I’m ignorant of, and the process of becoming less ignorant over time.

My wife has said that the business of converting to Catholicism—studying and thinking about it—was “good for you.” And I came, eventually, to see that she was right, at least in some cosmic sense. I realized that there was a part of me—the best part—that took its cues from Catholicism. It was the part of me that demanded that I treat my son with patience, and made me feel terrible when I failed. That demanded that I moderate my temper with everyone, but especially my family. That demanded that I care more about how I rated as a husband and father than as an income earner. That demanded that I sacrifice professional prestige for the interests of family. That demanded that I let go of grudges, and forgive even those who wronged me. As Saint Paul says in his Epistle to the Phillipians: “Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report; if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things.” It was the Catholic part of my heart and mind that demanded that I think on the things that actually mattered. And if I wanted that part of me to be nurtured and to grow, I needed to do more than read the occasional book of theology or reflect on my own shortcomings. I needed to pray more, to participate in the sacramental life of the Church, to confess and to repent publicly, no matter how awkward that might be. And I needed grace. I needed, in other words, to become Catholic, not merely to think about it.

There's so much good stuff in there that I could have shared in the Politics or Economics thread, too. And that 2nd quote from St. Augustine's City of God. OOF. Further cements my impression that we're late republican Rome, wallowing in decadence prior to the rise of an emperor.
 

Bluto

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The Lamp just published J.D. Vance's conversion story, titled "How I Joined the Resistance":



There's so much good stuff in there that I could have shared in the Politics or Economics thread, too. And that 2nd quote from St. Augustine's City of God. OOF. Further cements my impression that we're late republican Rome, wallowing in decadence prior to the rise of an emperor.

Very interesting. This hit home for me in that I was born and raised in a community (Nuestra Senora Reina de La Paz) where a “sense of duty” was the most prominent message and the Church played a huge role in that. The older I get the more I realize how that experience has shaped every decision I have ever made. Thank you for posting.
 

Bluto

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The Lamp just published J.D. Vance's conversion story, titled "How I Joined the Resistance":



There's so much good stuff in there that I could have shared in the Politics or Economics thread, too. And that 2nd quote from St. Augustine's City of God. OOF. Further cements my impression that we're late republican Rome, wallowing in decadence prior to the rise of an emperor.

Very interesting. This hit home for me in that I was born and raised in a community (Nuestra Senora Reina de La Paz) where a “sense of duty” was the most prominent message and the Church played a huge role in that. The older I get the more I realize how that experience has shaped every decision I have ever made. Thank you for posting.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Thomas Joseph White (a Dominican priest) just published an article in First Things titled "Epidemic Danger and Catholic Sacraments":

As the Church enters a Triduum where a great majority of the faithful lack public access to the sacraments, I’d like to offer some reflections that stand in sharp contrast to those currently being promoted by the editor of First Things, my friend Rusty Reno, regarding the current pandemic, civic responsibility, and access to the sacraments. In fact, I take his views to be rather misguided, though well-intentioned, and am grateful for his magnanimity in inviting me to offer an alternative position. I realize the issues are fraught, and anyone’s view is necessarily subject to a fair amount of fallible prudential judgment. I hope, however, to at least ground my arguments in both Catholic principles and a realistic assessment of our current situation, so as to develop what I think are measured and appropriate positions.

On the Civic Response of Quarantine Measures

My first claim is based on a basic given of natural law. The state has a fundamental obligation to protect human life, especially when it is gravely threatened. This obligation is compounded in a time of epidemic if there is a danger of a generalized collapse of the medical system through a rapid and overwhelming influx of new cases of a deadly disease, which COVID-19 certainly is. In a context where the medical system breaks down, deaths from the disease multiply and many other maladies cannot be safely treated. The state, then, has a moral obligation to seek to halt or slow the spread of the disease. In requesting a thoroughgoing but temporary quarantine, governments across the world are following both traditional, time-tested procedure and proven scientific advice. In doing so they are acting in accord with human inclinations to protect life that are both basic and intrinsically good, even ineradicably so, despite the effects of sin on political organizations. Civic governments are wounded by sin, but not radically depraved. They can still pursue and uphold basic natural goods, as they are seeking to do in this case.

Furthermore, because temporary (two to three months) quarantine measures are the essential key to stemming transmission rates so that societies can learn to deal with this illness more competently, quarantine is also a necessary first step in the restoration of public economic well-being and civic freedoms. Opposing the two (health vs. civic flourishing) is scientifically unrealistic and ethically irresponsible.

The Catholic perspective on the common good and solidarity can and should naturally align with the act of public reason requiring temporary quarantine, not protest it in the name of a misbegotten exaggerated libertarianism. It is true that Christians can and should maintain measured reserve regarding political regimes and the state, especially when they illegitimately ignore the moral obligations of natural law or encroach upon arenas of religious freedom. But Christians should also be on guard against exaggerated individualism, magical thinking that ignores scientific evidence, and religiously rationalized narcissism. Protesting quarantine because it disrupts one’s lifestyle choices can be a sign of displaced individualism, denial of reality, and bourgeois entitlement. Furthermore, it is obvious at this time that the national community must agree on measures of public health as a precursor to resolving larger political and religious disagreements. Here Christians should exhibit a sense of solidarity in pursuing the common good, and foster a sense of greater empathy for those who are especially vulnerable: the elderly, those with pre-existing medical conditions, people with disabilities, and the poor who frequently have a lower quality of health, to say nothing of the young and ordinarily healthy people who are also dying from this disease. To cause division on the fundamental good of protecting human life during a pandemic by way of moderate quarantine measures seems to belie these efforts.

Sacraments in an Era of Pandemic

The first thing to be said about the suspension of public masses is that it is not innovative nor is there any evidence that it stems from undue influence of a secular mentality. In fact, there is clear evidence that in medieval and modern Europe, as well as in the U.S., this form of response on the part of the Church is a very traditional and time-tested one. St. Charles Borromeo has been mentioned much in these discussions. He closed the churches of Milan due to a plague in 1576–77. During this time, he arranged for masses to be celebrated outside and at street intersections so that people could watch from their windows. There wasn’t any question of distributing communion since it would have been rather unusual in this period for most people to receive regularly at mass. This lasted about two years. There are many other medieval and early modern examples that could be cited, but much more recently, in 1918, the churches in many parts of the United States closed for public worship during the Spanish Flu. In New Orleans (hardly a Protestant city) the city ordered that churches had to close, which did prompt some outcry from Catholic pastors who said that this had not been done during earlier epidemics. They were in error. Old moral theology manuals classically indicate that one of the reasons a priest can celebrate mass privately without a server is due to plague, which shows that earlier moralists understood that priests might not be able to celebrate publicly during such times. The bottom line is that the Catholic Church generally did whatever was reasonable to prevent the spread of disease and to comply with rational city ordinances. It chafed a little and pushed back against things that seemed unreasonable, but when it needed to suspend gatherings for mass, it did so. By contrast, in 1918 some Christian Scientists in the U.S. refused to close churches based on the premise of their spiritual superiority, and argued that if they were pious enough, the gathering would not be affected by the illness, nor would they transmit it to others. Here nature is replaced by an appeal to permanent miracle, and common sense and natural reason have given way to vain spiritual presumption. This is what good old-fashioned theology calls a heresy.

Secondly, it is in fact seriously unethical to attribute to the leaders of the Catholic Church the principal intention of selfishly trying to protect themselves from getting sick. (The technical word here is “calumny.”) Bishops and priests do have the right to try to avoid getting sick, as a matter of fact, and it is a natural right that cannot be denied to them even if one disagrees with their prudential decisions. More to the point, they also can infect older members of their communities who will be likely to die. (As I write this, two older Dominican priests I know have died from the virus this past week, and dozens of others are struggling with the illness. I wonder how many of my confreres will have to die before critics will concede that it is reasonable for younger priests who live in rectories with them to take serious precautions?) But this set of concerns, while legitimate, is in fact secondary. The primary issue the bishops are concerned with is the protection of others. This virus spreads through social contact, purely and simply. Often those who have it are asymptomatic and can transmit it even when they think they are healthy enough to say mass or attend mass. If priests have public masses, and then they visit anyone who is older than 50, or if they visit the sick and then say public masses, they will help spread the illness both indirectly (by gathering people together) and directly (by becoming transmitters). Under these conditions the temporary suspension of public masses is not only reasonable, but strongly morally defensible.

This is the case even when there are also priests who decide to heroically expose themselves to the illness for the sake of others and their spiritual care. In the Catholic tradition, the practice of heroic virtue on the part of priests and religious is not mandated but should be invited and lauded. Even here, however, one has to be reasonably prudent. It is one thing to make a martyr of one’s self, and another thing to eradicate a nursing home in the process. In a case like this, priests may only minister to those who are infected if they themselves are taking sufficient precautions not to infect others, which requires some kind of ongoing quarantine for the duration of the crisis (at least in its most acute phase). This is precisely the practice that has been undertaken in my own Dominican province (and I’ve heard of other such cases in both Italy and the U.S.), where members of the province living under quarantine apart from others are ministering to the sick. The decision is not a trivial one. At least one priest I know has already contracted the illness and recovered, but is back again serving at the hospital. In Italy, meanwhile, the fact that the churches are not having public masses allows for the priests to visit the sick either at home or in the hospital. In doing so, many of them have contracted the illness and some of them have died as a result. What this approach prevents is priests spreading the illness either to healthy laity or other priests, who in turn may die from it.

In saying this I am presuming that some essential services can and should be made available to the laity, such as keeping churches open for public prayer or Eucharistic adoration with spatial distancing. Churches should be able to provide confessions in safe circumstances, facilitate anointings, and carry out private marriage ceremonies and baptisms, all under the guidance of due prudence. I'm also presuming that the measures enacted by the bishops are temporary, as clearly they are intended to be. A worldwide pandemic of this nature is not an ordinary event, and thus leads to many uncertainties in the short and long term. That the Church should suspend public masses temporarily is defensible as the most reasonable course of action given the novel and unpredictable nature of the illness. It is objectively the best course in such circumstances to err on the side of safety in the protection of life. This gives one time to re-evaluate. Once the quarantine reaches some initial degree of success, standards of practice will evolve and there will be questions of how to safely re-engage public sacramental practices while minimizing public risks. This is not bourgeois reasoning. It is prudential public responsibility.

What is Our Current Task? Hope, Interiority, Christian Empathy

We might ask, what should we be doing as a Church in this time, one that is extremely trying for a great number of people, both religious and non-religious alike? Currently around 1800 to 2000 people are dying in the U.S. daily from this virus, the vast majority of whom would not have died if it had not broken out three months ago. These are not mere statistics. These are people’s parents, brothers and sisters, children, friends, and loved ones. The medical staff of our country are currently experiencing the greatest medical crisis in generations, and it is costing them a tremendous amount spiritually and physically. In Italy over 100 physicians and 20 nurses have died from the illness in just two months. Something similar is to be expected in the U.S. and is already happening across much of Europe. These people go to work every day knowing that they might die, and along with janitors, grocery store clerks, and public transport personnel, they are risking their lives for others. Currently priests like myself are being contacted daily by people struggling with the illness or with the death of loved ones. We are living in a time that is deeply troubling for many of our fellow human beings.

In this context the instinctual move of some conservative Christian commentators to practice social criticism while fomenting division among priests, bishops, and laity is spiritually corrosive. (What does it do to a priest’s soul, by the way, when we incite him to break the vow he made to God to obey his bishop?) Nor is it helpful to utter the tone-deaf claim that the COVID-19 pandemic is not so bad and that people are overreacting. People are not overreacting when they grieve as their patients, friends, or family members die by the thousands. In fact, the Christian message in this context is one of basic evangelical hope. What we are to learn first in this crisis is that there is life after death, that God loves those who die, that there is the possibility of the forgiveness of sins, that our littleness in the face of death is also an opportunity for surrender, that Christ too died alone from asphyxiation and that he was raised from the dead, that God can comfort the fearful, and that there is a promise of eternal life. In the face of death, Christians should be precisely those who put first things first.

Second, Christians ought to treat this pandemic as an opportunity to learn more about God. What does it mean that God has permitted (or willed) temporary conditions in which our elite lifestyle of international travel is grounded, our consumption is cut to a minimum, our days are occupied with basic responsibilities toward our families and immediate communities, our resources and economic hopes are reduced, and we are made more dependent upon one another? What does it mean that our nation-states suddenly seem less potent and our armies are infected by an invisible contagion they cannot eradicate, and that the most technologically advanced countries face the humility of their limits? Our powerful economies are suddenly enfeebled, and our future more uncertain. Priests and bishops are confronted with a new obligation to seek interiority over activism as their sacramental ministry is rendered less potent, and laypeople have to find God outside the sacraments in their own interior lives, discovering new ways to be grateful for what they have rather than disdainful in the face of what they lack. We might think none of this tells us anything about ourselves, or about God’s compassion and justice. But if we simply seek to pass through all this in hasty expectation of a return to normal, perhaps we are missing the fundamental point of the exercise.

Finally, what can Christians do to console both their religious and secular neighbors? What about the people heroically risking their own lives to serve others at this time, or those who are ill and afraid, especially those who do not have a religious recourse or perspective? What about those grieving, or those who are isolated? How can we be creative in our hope and empathy? Bishops, priests, and laity alike should work together in the coming months to discern how we can safely return progressively to the public celebration of sacraments, and have interim steps of public worship in limited ways. But we should also be thinking about how to communicate Christian hope and basic human friendship and compassion to people who suffer, in our words and gestures, both individually and collectively. The life of the heart is as real as the life of the mind, and in our current moment, for however long it should last, charity is itself the most basic prophetic activity. “By this they will know that you are my disciples, if you love one another” (John 13:35). I’m citing him because in this and in every other case, his authority comes first.
 

zelezo vlk

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Fr Thomas Joseph White is a super smart guy. His videos on Aquinas 101 and lectures for The Thomistic Institute are great, if above me most of the time.
 
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