Theology

Whiskeyjack

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He has no problem considering me Catholic, and laughs at the contrary idea. Perhaps we are both headed for He!l.

I never implied that, and would be hurt if you thought so. Liberalism is the water we swim in. I'm sure it still corrupts my thinking in ways I'm not even fully cognizant of. On the subject of abortion, I'll humbly submit that your position seems to owe much more to liberalism than it does to Scripture and the Tradition of the Church. But I'd welcome an opportunity to discuss whatever alternative Spiritual Counsel you may have received that has convinced you to dissent from the Church's teaching.

The bottom reason for making the effort was that some people are so bound by this conservatism that they have become single-issue voters. In this world today, and with the number of lying manipulating politicians that we have, I can't think of many more inappropriate voting stances.

I won't vote for liberals of any stripe, regardless of whether they favor killing the poor directly in utero, or indirectly via more "meritocratic" means. Perhaps that's why we don't see eye to eye here; you're resigned to the hegemony of liberalism, while I want to burn the whole thing down and encourage Peter's successor to reassert his temporal authority.
 

Old Man Mike

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God Bless You on your Path.

I won't be in your way. In fact I just wrote a $1000 check to Catholic Charities though I'm sure that it didn't pay for my sins (I'm giving you a little friendly guff.)

We can discuss this "on the other side" --- I'm sure Peter will let both of us pass, even with a raised eyebrow. Frankly, I'm looking forward to a reassuring hug from Jesus.
 

Whiskeyjack

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The National Catholic Register's Edward Pentin just published an interview with an Egyptian Jesuit about the "sickness within Islam":

VATICAN CITY — Oil money, Wahhabi extremism and an Islam unwilling to reform itself are the principal reasons for the terrorist attacks on two Egyptian churches on Palm Sunday and the rise of Islamism over the past 100 years.

This is according to Jesuit Father Samir Khalil Samir, professor of Islamic studies at the Pontifical Oriental Institute in Rome, who says it is false when people say such attacks have nothing to do with Islam. “ISIS is not doing anything which is neither in the Quran nor in the Mohammedan tradition,” he says.

In this April 10 interview with the Register, Father Samir — who is Egyptian himself — discusses the main motivations behind Islamic violence, why it’s important to say exactly how things are within Islam and help reform it, and his hopes for Pope Francis’ April 28-29 visit to Egypt.

What are the primary causes of these attacks? What’s behind them? Is it primarily to do with Islam, politics or something else?

For a year or more, the Muslim Brotherhood were attacking regularly during the presidency of Mohamed Morsi (2012-2013); they were attacking Christians, for any reason. For instance, they alleged a Christian who was building a house for his two children was in fact not building a house, but a church, so they are trying to make problems for the Christians. This happens regularly, but it became much more intense.

Now this time, what we hear from Egypt is that ISIS is saying they are behind these attacks, but there’s also support from the Muslim Brotherhood because they were ejected from the political system. The feeling is that the attacks against Christians in Egypt are becoming more frequent and violent. This has never happened before, that they attack so many churches and precisely on such a great Christian feast. The last ones took place before Christmas, and now these two attacks during Holy Week. The intent is probably to attack the president indirectly, through the Christians, to say he’s not able to govern or control the situation. In north Sinai, they attacked Christians and so the government moved them. Now they’ve come back under the protection of the army. In the past month, we’ve had three big attacks, and four months ago we had the attack near the Coptic cathedral.

Is attacking Christians, therefore, really about attracting negative attention against the government more than it is against Christians per se?

It’s both because they attack Christians without reason, in different situations — this year, last year and so on. Christians and Jews are their enemies, but there are no more Jews in Egypt. Christians are 10% of the population, 9 million people. So this Islamic movement, for six years now, has simply wanted to create a new caliphate, by all means possible, because there’s a great crisis within the Islamic world, and the crisis is turning into violence.

What is precipitating this crisis?

In Islam they are not prepared nor able to renew themselves, as [Egypt’s] President [Abdel Fattah Saeed Hussein Khalil] el-Sisi said in December 2014 when he took power. He spoke to Al-Azhar University and gave a beautiful speech, in which he said we need to make a revolution in Islam, to rethink the whole system. The scholars all applauded, said, “Yes, Yes,” but they haven’t changed anything in the teaching. Many intellectuals on Egyptian television came and developed this argument and said Al-Azhar is unable to make the reform we need. Nothing has changed.

Are you of the view that Islamism is the true Islam?

ISIS is the application of what is taught. It’s not outside Islam, or something invented. No, they are applying Islam. When we hear it has nothing to do with Islam — that it means salaam; that it means peace — this is all false. It’s not true. ISIS is not doing anything which is neither in the Quran nor in the Mohammedan tradition. Everything is taken after a decision taken by an imam. A mufti and imam will say this is or is not allowed.

This isn’t just a problem in Egypt, but Egypt represents the greatest and strongest country, and also where you have the most important school of Islamic learning — just as we have Rome for the Catholic Church, Islam has Al-Azhar University.

Given this fact, what do you think about the Pope’s visit to Cairo? Should he say this hard truth about Islam, but in a diplomatic way?

Yes. He should certainly be very diplomatic. He wants to be more than diplomatic, to foster good relations with them, this is sure. He is avoiding hard words. He never said Islam is also a religion of violence — he said the opposite. He said there’s no violence in religion and so on, because this is his aim: to help Muslims, who are the second-most important group in the world, to have a dialogue and understanding.

Is that an acceptable way of approaching the issue, in your view?

Well, it’s not my way. I think it’s important to say things with charity, with friendship, but to say things as they are: that it cannot continue like this; we have to rethink Islam. This is my vision. They cannot take the texts of the seventh century literally as they are in the Quran. He [the Pope] does not dare to say something like that because he doesn’t know the Quran well enough, and so on. So I understand his position, but it would be better to have a clearer and more frank discussion — with openness, but also with some realism.

The Pope called for the hearts of the terrorists to be converted and for the conversion of the hearts of those who traffic weapons. Is that a fair point, or is that not going to the root cause?

Certainly, in Egypt everyone says the whole structure of ISIS is something elaborated by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, the Wahhabi countries, against the Shia. It’s also my opinion. What does ISIS mean? It’s “Islamic State for Iraq and Syria.” This is the name they have chosen, taken from the Arabic Daesh, which means exactly that.

Now why Iraq and Syria? Because in Iraq we have a Shia government after the death of Saddam Hussein. The U.S.A. organized the country like that; they said the Shia are a small majority so the government should be led by Shia, with Sunni. In Syria the government is Alawite, which is a branch of Shia, although they are at most 15% of the population. This has been the case for 50 years now, with the father, Hafez al-Assad, and now his son, Bashar al-Assad. So the Sunni — who are 70%-75% — organized the protest against the government because they want to take power.

The question is religious, too, and supported by the rich countries of Arabia. And the rich buy the weapons from the U.S. principally, but also England, France, Italy and Germany to a smaller degree. So there is in fact an international war going on, but it is not clear. It seems to be they’re using this revolutionary Islamic State, which was partly formed by the U.S., from Iraq, after the occupation of Iraq, after the death of Saddam Hussein, because the U.S. formed a group of well-trained military. The so-called caliph, Abū Bakr al-Baghdadi, was one of these people trained by the U.S.

So all the conditions were there, but no one was thinking it would be so savage, that it would be absolutely inhuman. They killed and tortured people; they took women and people as slaves and turned children into bombs.

This was unprecedented?

We had never seen something like that, so the reaction of official Islam is that this has nothing to do with Islam, but this is in fact a lie. It has 100% to do with Islam, with chosen texts from the Quran and sharia [Islamic law]. They’re not doing anything against Islamic law.

How much is Islamism primarily due to Islam rather than, perhaps, Arab culture? Why, for instance, does Islamism appear much less prominent in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country, than in the Middle East?

Everything comes from the Middle East in Islam, this is sure, but, unfortunately, even in Indonesia, where there are 220 million people, they are now no longer as they were 15 years ago. There was a Protestant who was elected to parliament, and they wanted to put him in prison simply because he said something against Muhammad. This was once unthinkable in Indonesia.

Then you have Pakistan and Bangladesh, which are much worse than what we see in the Arab world. The propaganda coming from the Wahhabi countries is organized to go everywhere — to Asia and Africa. You have Boko Haram [in Nigeria] and others in Sudan. This is the general movement of this Wahhabi thinking and for the imams. It’s organized by Al-Azhar, whether they want it to be or not.

Do you think Al-Azhar is also partly responsible for Islamism?

I don’t think Al-Azhar has wanted to create something like that, but the teaching they are giving, as a consequence, is a radical Islam. President el-Sisi some weeks ago proposed that, from now on, a man is not allowed to say to his wife: “You are repudiated” (I divorce you). The repudiation by words, as it is practiced today, means you just had to say three times you are repudiated in the presence of two Muslim men. He said no, from now on, all should go through a tribunal, but Al-Azhar refused with the argument that this was already in force in the time of Muhammad and we cannot touch it.

So the conflict is within Islam, and the solution is within Islam. We have to reform Islam and our understanding of Islam.

Why is it that 50-60 years ago, there wasn’t this level of violence?

Through the influence of the Wahhabi. And how did this influence come? Through oil, through money. The heart of the matter is that they buy the conscience of the people. Al-Azhar is partly financed by the Wahhabi, and all the mosques they’re building, the big mosque in Rome, is funded by the Wahhabi. They put in the imam, they pay and command what to do, and so they’re creating thousands of schools for boys and girls throughout the world, everywhere, also in China. In the Islamic part of China, the Chinese government is reacting very strongly and bringing non-Muslims to this part of the country just to change the mentality. So the question is the money.

Could it, therefore, possibly be argued that it’s more to do with the money — that it is money that is perverting Islam?

Friends from Lebanon now living in Paris said they’d had enough of this Bedouin religion — by that, they meant from Arabia. They said, “We are not Bedouins, and this is not our Islam.” That’s the point: There is a conjunction between people who are very radical because they adopted, at the end of 19th century, the most radical vision of Islam, and you cannot discuss anything.

In the Middle Ages, you had discussions: The fact that the Quran is divine — this was not the teaching of the first five centuries of Islam, but there was a discussion, with part saying it was divine and another that it was human, that it is created and uncreated. The discussion went on until the 11th and 12th century, and only then it became uncreated, divine. And being divine means that every word and comma is divine, and this is what people think today — the official Islam is saying that. That means that if I find a verse — “Kill them wherever you find them” — for instance, then you have to do it. And for Christians and Jews, it’s clear they have to pay the jizya and be humiliated, says the Quran. So they say: “They can live with us, but they first have to pay and, second, to be humiliated.” This is impossible today, so what they do is attack Christians, and nobody is protesting seriously.

How are Christians currently being discriminated against in Egypt?

There’s no jizya, but you cannot have an important post in the government, not like it was until the 1960s. We didn’t have a president, but a king, until 1954, and Christians had very important positions. Egyptian radio recently broadcast a magnificent program showing that the best schools for more than a century were the Christian schools, the ecclesiastical schools, as they say in Arabic, run by the Jesuits, the Anglicans, and so on. They formed all the best people of the state, and this is true. Until today we had in our Jesuit school in Cairo at least 40% Muslims. It was another atmosphere. Christians had a very important part to play in the 19th century, what we called our renaissance in Egypt, and it was achieved through the Christians. You cannot have that now, because they don’t give them their rightful place.

How bad is daily life now for Christians compared to 20-30 years ago, and why has it gotten worse?

Because of this Wahhabi movement, the Salafists also, and the Muslim Brotherhood. It was under control in the time of Nasser and also after that, but not in the time of Saddam. Now they have come back, and especially with the financing of Saudi Arabia, we had the Wahhabi tendency in universities and daily life. For instance, a few years ago, during Ramadan and other periods, they started forbidding beer. It was produced in Upper Egypt, but now it’s forbidden. So they are corrupting people with their money and ideology.

Much has to do with the oil money of the past 100 years.

Yes, and maybe change will come now, because the oil price is going down, and there is a conference now with the advent of fracking [fracking is negatively affecting the price of oil]. The question is the financing. Saudi Arabia is now using up its financial reserves, and the economy is now worsening.

Should we expect Islamism to worsen?

What we expect is that the situation will be more open-minded. This is what we want, not to be against Islam, but for it, for open-mindedness. We, as Christians, have to help Muslims and say: “Look, we’ve been through something similar in other centuries.” We have a mission to work together, to find a way to come out from this. Note that, at the moment, the government says there’s only 40% literacy, but certainly it’s higher. This is Egypt in the 21st century. The education of the 60% is also almost zero.

What are your hopes for the Pope’s visit?

The visit will certainly be positive. He is supposed to speak first with President el-Sisi, which is very important, as he’s open-minded, and he wants to build a modern state and not a religious state. Then he [the Pope] will visit Al-Azhar, which is also very important, and also the Coptic Orthodox Church, which is the great Church in Egypt, with 9 million people and with an open-minded patriarch. So this is important. The second day will be for the Catholic Church, which will also involve positive decisions and orientations.

I wonder when our major world governments will officially recognize the danger of continuing to allow the Saudis to fund the aggressive spread of Salafism everywhere.
 

wizards8507

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My mother in-law's church did "Love in Any Language" as the Communion hymn ON EASTER SUNDAY. I about lost my mind.

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zelezo vlk

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My mother in-law's church did "Love in Any Language" as the Communion hymn ON EASTER SUNDAY. I about lost my mind.

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You would love my parish. I went to the Vigil last night. Lots of Latin (still Novus Ordo), tons of incense, great choir and chant.

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Whiskeyjack

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Here's a review of Rod Dreher's new book The Benedict Option by an Austrian Trappist priest named Edmund Waldstein:

One of the great sorrows that I encounter as a priest is the sorrow of parents whose children have abandoned the Faith. Their sorrow can be more bitter even than the sorrows of those parents who suffer the fata aspera of having to bury their children. To have given the gift of life, only to see that gift taken too soon, and to be able to give only the “unavailing gift” of funeral flowers, is a bitter fate indeed. But for those who have come to believe that true life is the eternal life of Christ, it is still more bitter to have brought a child to the waters of Baptism, hoping for that child to receive a share in the inheritance of infinite bliss, only to see that child trade the infinite good for the vain pomps of this world. If it were not for the hope of future repentance, this would be almost too much to bear. And yet, it is a sorrow that Christian parents have had to bear at all times. Children of believing parents have been abandoning the narrow way that leads to eternal life since the Church began. But the great falling away from the faith in Austria in the past five or six decades or so have given so many parents that sorrow. It is of course difficult to tell whether that is because hypermodern culture has actually led more children astray, or whether it has simply made straying more obvious— previous generations of worldly children were perhaps better at pretending to their parents that they were still in a state of grace. When I tell such parents that I come from a family of eight children they often ask me whether all of my brothers and sisters are still practicing Catholics. And when I answer affirmatively they invariably ask: “How did your parents do it?”

That question occurred to me again as I read Rod Dreher’s The Benedict Option. Dreher’s book is largely about the question of how parents can so live their lives that they can communicate the joy of life in Christ to their children. How can they avoid the pressures of a secular culture that seems ever more successful at drawing souls away? Dreher’s book made me reflect on my own experience, and so this review will have a somewhat autobiographical character. Readers who find such an intrusion of the autobiographical boastful or self-absorbed need read no further; they are unlikely to like Dreher’s book either, since he too illustrates his arguments from his own experience. My intention is not to hold up my own upbringing and family as an exemplar of perfection, nor to suggest that parents must do something similar to my parents if their children are to keep the faith— there are contrary examples— but simply to give an illustration of one possible answer to the question of how parents can help their children keep the Faith.

Dreher comes at the question from the perspective of someone who was once a mainstream, “conservative,” American, political journalist. As one would expect, he thought that American culture was basically good, and that if only enough conservatives could get elected, and roll back the interference of the liberal elites the basic goodness of America would assert itself. But, he tells us, having children made him question this view. In his 2006 book Crunchy Cons Dreher described how he came to see mainstream conservatism as a false alternative to liberalism. When push comes to shove, Dreher saw, American liberals and conservatives were both committed to liberating human desires in ways destructive to true human flourishing. Liberals worship the sexual revolution–so destructive of the family— while paying lip-service to a concern for regulating the economy in the interests of social equality and stability. Conservatives, on the other hand pay lip-service to moral restraint in sexual matters, while extolling as “the holy of holies” a free market that is “destroying communities and turning us all into slaves of the economy.” In reality, Dreher saw, mainstream American politics were a debate among different sorts of liberals. Naturally enough, this led him to an interest in the work of the philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre.

MacIntyre had long been arguing that modern liberalism sets the terms of contemporary political debate such that any quarrel or conflict with liberalism is transformed to a debate within liberalism. Political debate thus becomes a debate between “conservative liberals, liberal liberals, and radical liberals.” Liberalism, according to MacIntyre, claims to provide a neutral framework in which all individuals can pursue the ends that they themselves consider to be good. But such supposed neutrality actually embodies an individualistic, subjectivist theory of the good “inimical to the construction and sustaining of the types of communal relationship required for the best kind of human life.” He concludes that engaging in conventional modern party politics is counter-productive, since such politics is an institutionalized rejection of the tradition of the virtues that once fostered the sorts of human relations aimed at true human happiness. Participation in such politics transforms one into a liberal opposed to the true human good. (John Francis Nieto recently made a similar argument here at The Josias).

At the end of his 1981 masterpiece After Virtue, MacIntyre suggested that the alternative to participating in liberal politics was to be found in the construction of “new forms of community” in which the true goods of human life could be pursued. Just as Benedictine monasticism was a new form of community that preserved the tradition of the virtues at the time of the barbarian invasions, so we are waiting for a new St. Benedict to begin a form of community that could preserve that tradition in our time of liberal hegemony. And just as Benedictine monasticism was the seed from which the culture of the Middle Ages was to spring, so might we hope that a new St. Benedict might be the seed for a new virtuous culture of the future. (I once cited this passage with approval in a lecture on rejecting modern politics).

Dreher found MacIntyre’s argument convincing, and at the end of Crunchy Cons he spoke of the “Benedict Option,” as the choice of giving up the mainstream American conservative project, and turning attention instead to forming virtuous communities on a small scale. Now, after years answering questions and objections to the Benedict Option on his blog, and of live blogging his own attempts at taking the Option, Dreher has given us a whole book on the idea. In The Benedict Option, Dreher gives a rough sketch of the ills of our liberal culture, together with a narrative of their genesis of a sort to which I am sympathetic. He then examines Benedictine life to distill lessons from it for the “new St. Benedicts” of the Option. Benedict Option communities should learn from the monks that they have to have a life that is ordered to allow the development of virtue; a life focused on solemn liturgical prayer to God; a life of ascetic self-denial in small things to train the heart to fix itself on the goal; a life of stability that resists constant change and distraction; a life really lived in common with others whom one serves and by whom one is served, and from whom one can receive fraternal correction; a life of hospitality and charitable outreach to those outside the community; a life that embodies St. Benedict’s sober moderation— neither too harsh nor too soft. Dreher then explores practical suggestions for living out such an option, illustrated by examples of communities whom he sees as already doing so to some degree or another.

Some critics have seen Dreher’s book as too radical and alarmist. But Alasdair MacIntyre has criticized it for being on the contrary not radical enough. When asked about the “The Benedict Option Movement” in the Q&A to a recent lecture, MacIntyre claimed that it is still basically conservative— that is, that it does not really escape the liberal framework. To some extent MacIntyre’s claim is surely justified. Dreher’s arguments for abandoning the American conservative project focus not so much on the essential liberalism of the political framework, as on the fact that conservatives are unable to achieve the goals they ostensibly seek, because “the culture” is shifting beneath their feet. Clearly, from MacIntyre’s point of view, this is not to get to the bottom of the problem.

And yet, it would be unfair to dismiss Dreher’s whole book on those grounds. There is much that is truly sensible in Dreher’s exploration of how Benedict Option communities can be formed that would be helpful to more consistent anti-liberals. Dreher’s reading of the Holy Rule has its weaknesses. His understanding of the Benedictine attitude towards ordinary life seems to me to be closer to the bourgeois Puritan attitude analyzed by Max Weber than Benedict is. (I have explored the difference elsewhere). Dreher was once an American Protestant, and something of the “Protestant ethic” has remained with him. But for the most part the wisdom that Dreher gleans from St. Benedict is solid enough. Particularly notable is his discussion of education, which I take to be the heart of his book.

I am a Cistercian monk in a monastery that has been trying to follow the rule of St. Benedict since its foundation in 1133. Every evening between supper and compline at my monastery we have “recreation,” which means that the silence of work and prayer is relaxed, and for 45 minutes we sit in a parlor and converse. Once when I was novice the conversation at evening recreation happened to turn to the pop musician Michael Jackson. I mentioned that I had never consciously listened to any of Jackson’s music, and would not be able to recognize it. The (then) abbot looked at me in surprise, and asked, “Were you raised in a Cistercian monastery?” Obviously, I was not raised in a Cistercian monastery, and yet the question shows that my upbringing had incorporated some of the “monastic” elements that Dreher sees as fundamental to Benedict Option communities.

To be clear, we were never part of a community that tried to escape the “system” of capitalist neoliberalism through agrarian distributism, as some anti-liberal communities have. But then, Dreher never sets the bar so high. He envisions rather a sort of balance between integration into neoliberal society and withdrawal from it. The Benedict Option has been criticized for only really being an option for the middle classes and the rich, who can afford the leisure and stability that its practices requires. Workers, being at the mercy of the fluctuating labor market, are constrained to spend most of their time working, and often have to move to find jobs. But surely this is more a problem with unjust economic structures than with the Option itself. Certainly, my family was very privileged in this regard. My parents are academics, and my mother was able to stay at home and homeschool the children. We did move around a certain amount for the sake of my father’s academic work. But we were always able to find like-minded families in our neighborhood.

Such like-minded families are very important lest the habits that one is trying to form in one’s children are erased by peer pressure. Dreher’s beau ideal of schooling is the small, classical private school, since such schooling naturally forms communities of families. He also discusses homeschooling as an option when no such school is available, emphasizing the importance to homeschoolers of finding an analogous community of families nearby.

Dreher sees the connection between the desire for God and the love of learning (in terms similar to those of Jean Leclercq). Education is a training of the heart in the pursuit of the good, the true, and the beautiful. Not a mere conveying of “information” or “content.” But, as St. Benedict says of the monastic life, it is a path that can be narrow and difficult at first before the heart expands and one runs in the inexpressible joy of love. The human soul has to be trained to recognize the highest things, with which it is most deeply related. Popcorn movies are initially more accessible than Shakespeare. To be led to a love of the higher things generally requires both a negative and a positive principle. Negatively, it requires limits on the distractions of superficial “entertainment” that choke the soul in banality. And positively it requires teachers who are themselves full of love for the truth and beauty and goodness, and can therefore practice what Dreher calls “the ancient art of intellectual seduction.”

In my family, we were not allowed to watch TV or listen to pop music. But much more important was the positive wooing of the heart with the good, and true, and beautiful. My father is a passionate lover of music, and spent much time listening to recordings of the great masterpieces of Monteverdi, Bach, Mozart et al. His enthusiasm rubbed off on us children, so that by the time we were teenagers we would stand for hours in line to get good standing-room places at the Vienna State Opera. Both of my parents spent a lot of time reading books out loud to us. Not only when we were too little to read for ourselves, but even after. I remember having not only Tolkien and C.S. Lewis read to us, but also Charlotte Brontë, Daniel Defoe, and even Allesandro Manzoni. The books that my father read out loud to us after dinner made a particularly deep impression on my memory.

I was born in Rome, but we soon moved to Boston, Massachusetts, and then, when I was four years old to South Bend Indiana, where my father taught at Notre Dame. Everyday we would go to Mass at 5:15 PM at the beautiful Sacred Heart Basilica at Notre Dame, meeting my father there, before returning home with him for supper, reading out loud, and evening prayers. As a little child I was often bored in Church, as little children generally are. A colleague of my father’s at Notre Dame, who also brought his children to daily Mass, would respond to them when they said that Mass was boring with the words: “Good. Mass isn’t about you having fun; Mass is about God.” In my case the way was narrow at first, and I was often punished for misbehaving, but slowly my heart began to be formed by the beauty of God’s house. I recently returned to Notre Dame, and was struck by how much the basilica formed the horizon of memories.

We lived in South Bend till I was twelve (except for one year, when I was nine, which we spent in Tübingen, Germany). But when I was twelve, we moved to Gaming, in Lower Austria. There my family was part of the community of students and teachers centered on a former Carthusian monastery: the Kartause Gaming. The Kartause houses a catechetical institute, a study abroad program for students from Franciscan University of Steubenville in Ohio, and at that time it also housed the ITI, a theological graduate school at which my father taught, and which has since relocated to Trumau. My brothers and sisters and I spent most of our free time with the children of other teachers at the Kartause, and as we got older with students. I did also spend time playing soccer and watching televised soccer with local boys— especially altar boys from the local parish— but the older I got the less time I spent with them and the more time I spent with students from the Kartause, who were somewhat more distant from me in age, but much closer in their appreciation of art and literature and liturgy.

It was in Gaming that I really discovered the glories of liturgical worship. I served as an altar-boy for a Swiss priest, Don Reto Nay, who was at that time professor of Old Testament at the ITI. Don Reto was full of deep reverence for the mystery of the Holy Sacrifice. Even the ordinary form evening daily Mass with him in German made a deep impression on me on account of his connaturality with the mysteries. And then sometimes he would celebrate a sort of “reform of the reform” high Mass in Latin, ad orientem, with incense, candles, Gregorian chant, and polyphony. (He also celebrated the older form of the Roman Rite in the mornings, but I only went to that once or twice).

In Gaming I also discovered the glories of the Byzantine Rite. There were many Byzantine Catholics studying at the ITI, and a priest of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church celebrated Divine Liturgy regularly. (My younger brother, who may have been about eight or nine at the time, was so impressed by the Byzantine Rite that he once set up an altar in his room, and I found him singing pseudo-Byzantine chants to a statue of an Egyptian Pharaoh—a model that we had for art-history class—to which he was offering a sacrifice of breath mints: The Golden Calf is a perennial temptation, I guess.) The ITI students also sang the Akathist once a week with heart-rending beauty.

From Gaming I went to Thomas Aquinas College, a small “great books” school in California. The college and the community of families surrounding it have many of the features of a Benedict Option Community. Moreover, many of the students at the College were themselves coming from various versions of the Option. There were many who had been schooled at small classical private schools, and many, many homeschoolers. The cliché about homeschoolers is that they are socially awkward losers and prigs. There were certainly some homeschoolers at TAC who fit the cliché. But many did not fit the cliché at all. And the same can be said of other versions of the Benedict Option: there are dangers, but many are able to escape the dangers.

During the whole of my upbringing, my family was involved in the ecclesial movement Communion and Liberation (“CL,” often referred to by the Italian names for those letters ci-elle, from which its members are called ciellini). Dreher explicitly mentions CL is in his book (he refers to their economic organization Compagnia delle Opere), but CL seems to me less well described as Benedict Option community than other communities in which I have been involved (such as the one around the Kartause Gaming, or the one around Thomas Aquinas College).

The founder of CL, Luigi Giussani, had thought deeply about the nature of modern society, and in his books he traces the loss of the “unitary mentality” of the middle ages in a way reminiscent of Dreher. There also many parallels between what Giussani says about education as formation of the heart, and Dreher’s thoughts on education. And the emphasis on practical community in CL is exemplary of many of the sorts of things that Dreher talks about. CL is, however, a global movement, and thus its practical solidarity can have a further reach. When a brother of mine moved to Southern Italy to study architecture, he got in touch with the local ciellini, and decided to live with a group of CL students in a common apartment. There is something reminiscent of the solidarity of the early Christians in the solidarity of the ciellini. But the charism of CL is not really well described as “Benedictine.” It is compatible with the Benedictine charism. The Abbot General of my own Cistercian Order is in fact a ciellino. But it is something different.

In his provocative book Newman on Vatican II, Fr. Ian Ker argues that in each age of the Church the Holy Spirit awakens movements within the Church that respond to the needs of the time, these charismatic movements assist the hierarchy, while being moderated and ordered by the hierarchy. Simplifying Ker’s schema somewhat, one can speak of four great movements corresponding to four ages of the Church: the monastic movement, the mendicant friars, the Jesuits and other active orders, and the ecclesial movements typical of the decades following Vatican II.

First, the monastic movement beginning with St. Anthony Abbot, initially as a means of living the full radicalism of the Gospel in the Christian Empire, when the persecutions had ceased, and mediocrity was the great danger, but receiving its definitive form from St. Benedict who, in Newman’s words, came “as if to preserve a principle of civilization, and a refuge for learning, at a time when the old framework of society was falling, and new political creations were taking their place.” Benedictine monasticism was the foundation of the new Christian culture that arose out of the ruins of ancient civilization and barbarian chaos. For many centuries it continued to play a key role in European life, periodically reviving itself, as with Benedict of Aniane in the 9th century, the abbots of Cluny in the 10th and 11th centuries, and the Cistercians in 12th.

But in the 13th century, with the growth of new towns and cities, the essentially rural nature of Benedictine life made a new kind of monasticism necessary: the mendicant orders, especially the Dominicans. The Dominicans lived in the cities, and practiced the new “scholastic” or scientific style of learning. They used the insights of philosophy to give clear, systematic expression to theological truths. The Dominicans still preserved many features of the monastic life, but reduced the amount of time spent in prayer and manual labor in order to give more hours to scholarly work and preaching.

And then in early modernity St. Ignatius of Loyola began a thoroughly practical form of religious life: the Jesuits. The Jesuits gave up the audible, public recitation of the divine office, leaving each Jesuit to pray the office soundlessly and by himself. They replaced the long hours of monastic prayer and lectio with highly efficient and concentrated mediations. And the efficient simplicity and interiority of their prayer life freed them for the ruthless, military efficiency of their exterior apostolate. There is, as it were, an ulterior motive to Jesuit contemplation; it is ordered to the apostolate. Is it not fitting that René Descartes was educated by Jesuits? The typically modern spirit of reflective interiority for the sake of efficient exterior action is the spirit of the Jesuits. In the wake of the Jesuits came many other religious orders devoted to external apostolates, to action, that is, rather than contemplation.

Finally, Ker argues, we have in our own time the rise of the new ecclesial movements. Many of these began already in the period immediately preceding Vatican II, but they found in Vatican II a welcome expression of their ideals. The ecclesial movements are often called “lay movements,” but they really include members from all states of life. Thus in CL, for example, there are consecrated persons (the Memores Domini) and priests (the Missionaries of St. Charles Borromeo) as well as lay people. Ker argues that the new ecclesial movements embody the ecclesiology of Lumen Gentium that overcame the “clericalism” of the 19th century, that exaggerated the separation between the laity and the clergy, and came close to identifying the Church herself with the clerical hierarchy.

I do think that CL embodies the teachings of Vatican II. CL embodies the “third way” between traditionalism and modernism that Pope St. John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI saw in the council. And this is why, much as I love CL, and much as I owe to it, I don’t “identify” with it. For I incline ever more to “traditionalism.” CL has all the advantages of the attempted third way, but also all the disadvantages. While not being blind to the deep problems of modern culture, it has nevertheless a fundamentally optimistic attitude towards engagement with that culture. An attitude that stresses the signs of the desire for God that can be found at work even in the wasteland. This is manifested on a theoretical level by the enthusiasm that one finds within the movement for the Henri de Lubac’s questionable theology of grace, which identifies the natural desire for happiness with the desire for the supernatural end of the Beatific Vision. But it is manifested on a more concrete practical level as well.

Don Giussani was a man of great appreciation for the artistic treasures of the past, and wrote eloquently on Mozart and Beethoven. But at a CL meeting one is as likely to hear contemporary guitar music as the great composers. Giussani was close friends with Pope Benedict XVI, but Pope Benedict’s project of a reform of the reform made little impression on liturgical practice in the movement. Going to Mass with CL people one is likely to find an ordinary vernacular novus ordo. To the degree that I have moved more and more towards liturgical traditionalism, I have adopted a different approach. In politics too, there is no trace of “traditionalism” among the ciellini. Italian CL politicians tend to be post-war style Christian Social democrats on the model of Alcide de Gasperi or Giulio Andreotti. This approach has its advantages of course. It provides a readily applicable practical program in the current framework. But I think that it also has serious flaws. It opens one up to being co-opted by the liberal framework. As Petrus Hispanus has argued, it is important to adopt an explicitly anti-liberal political principle in order to resist such co-opting. I am therefore a monarchist and an integralist, and would like to scrap the modern project of democratic politics altogether.

I remember once being asked by a sweet, young, Italian ciellina, whether I felt more at home in Austria or America. I answered her that I always feel like a foreigner— like an American in Austria and like an Austrian in America. She then said that it was the opposite for her. She felt at home everywhere because “everywhere I am with Christ.” A beautiful thought no doubt. I think that both thoughts are true. As Christians we must be strangers and sojourners on earth, with our hearts set on our heavenly Fatherland. But at the same time we must see that the Kingdom of God is also already among us. Both are true, and yet different members of the body of Christ can put more emphasis on one or the other. Each of these has its advantages and disadvantages.

Ian Ker is right that our time is the age of the ecclesial movements with their optimistic dynamism in engaging contemporary society. But it is also a time of revival of the ideals of monasticism. Ideals of stability, and rich liturgical tradition, and uncompromising contempt for the vanity and pomps of this passing world. And Rod Dreher is right that elements of those ideals can be realized outside the monastery in the life of Christian families. “The Benedict Option” will not ensure that children keep the faith— the mystery of iniquity and the mystery of grace cannot be controlled by any strategy— but if my upbringing can be called “Benedict Option,” then I do think that it can be a help.

In a comment on a review of The Benedict Option, Maclin Horton, once a co-editor of the now defunct Catholic counter-cultural magazine Caelum et Terra (and the subject of a profile in Dreher’s Crunchy Cons) wrote as follows:

… this discussion was being held twenty-five years ago in the pages of the magazine Caelum et Terra and other places. We must withdraw–but we must remain connected. We must turn off the TV–but we mustn’t turn our backs on the culture. We must form communities–but we mustn’t isolate ourselves. We must be critical of technology–but we should use it when appropriate. We must find ways of educating our children apart from the proselytizing secularism of the state school systems–but we must not be overprotective. Etc etc etc. All these things have actually been going on in places like Steubenville, Ohio. The children of those talkers and experimenters are grown now, and the results have been mixed. Those having this conversation with such fervor now seem to be younger, and I wonder whether most of you can quite grasp how bitterly sad it is to see a young man named John Paul or a young woman named Kateri denouncing Christian “homophobia” and “transphobia” on Facebook…

I don’t deny that the results of the attempt to achieve the balance of which Horton speaks in my own upbringing are mixed— as helpful grumblers are always reminding me. But at least this much is true: my parents have been spared the bitter sadness of seeing me and my brothers and sisters fall away from the Faith. Words fail me when I try to express how grateful I myself am for having received that gift and not (as yet) lost it: I have found in it the pearl of great price and the treasure buried in the field.

Nice shout out to South Bend in there. I also liked his mention of how movements within the Church have arisen the address the unique needs of different time periods: first the monastic movement, then the mendicant orders, later the external apostolates, and currently the ecclesial movements.

As an aside, this blog (The Josias) and the first mentioned in the sidebar (Sancruensis) are two of the best ones I've ever found online.
 

irishog77

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Here's a review of Rod Dreher's new book The Benedict Option by an Austrian Trappist priest named Edmund Waldstein:



Nice shout out to South Bend in there. I also liked his mention of how movements within the Church have arisen the address the unique needs of different time periods: first the monastic movement, then the mendicant orders, later the external apostolates, and currently the ecclesial movements.

As an aside, this blog (The Josias) and the first mentioned in the sidebar (Sancruensis) are two of the best ones I've ever found online.

My Latin is rusty. What does "Non declinavit ad dextram sive ad sinistram" mean? Something like "Go by way of right or left hand, where your face is?" I doubt that is it- ha! Where is that phrase from?
 

Whiskeyjack

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My Latin is rusty. What does "Non declinavit ad dextram sive ad sinistram" mean? Something like "Go by way of right or left hand, where your face is?" I doubt that is it- ha! Where is that phrase from?

"Turned not aside to the right hand or to the left". It's a phrase from 2 Kings 22:2 in the Vulgate. Waldstein's politics are very illiberal, so I think that's what it's in reference to.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Here's a New Yorker profile on Rod Dreher, the AmCon writer who just published The Benedict Option:

Rod Dreher was forty-four when his little sister died. At the time, he was living in Philadelphia with his wife and children. His sister, Ruthie, lived in their Louisiana home town, outside St. Francisville (pop. 1,712). Dreher’s family had been there for generations, but he had never fit in. As a teen-ager, when his father and sister went hunting he stayed in his room and listened to the Talking Heads; he read “A Moveable Feast” and dreamed of Paris. He left as soon as he could, becoming a television critic for the Washington Times and then a film critic for the New York Post. He was living in Cobble Hill on 9/11, and watched the South Tower fall. He walked with his wife in Central Park. He wrote a book, “Crunchy Cons,” about how conservatives like him—“Birkenstocked Burkeans” and “hip homeschooling mamas”—might change America. Ruthie never left. She was a middle-school teacher, and her husband was a firefighter. She could give a damn about Edmund Burke and the New York Post. She was not a crunchy con, and she found her brother annoying.

In truth, annoying wasn’t the half of it—there was a rift between Dreher and his family. His father, a health inspector, had never forgiven him for moving away; his nieces found his urbanity condescending. During one New Year’s visit, Dreher made bouillabaisse for his parents and his sister; they watched him cook the stew and let him serve it, then declined to eat any: they preferred meals made by a “country cook.” Later, Dreher learned that Ruthie and her husband were struggling financially and resented the fact that he made twice their combined salaries for reviewing movies. His father considered him a “user”—someone who succeeded by flouting the rules. Dreher loved his father and sister for their rootedness and their vibrancy. He longed for their approval with painful intensity.

On Mardi Gras, 2010, Ruthie was diagnosed with Stage 4 lung cancer. She was forty years old and had three daughters. Dreher began visiting St. Francisville as often as he could, and discovered that she was a pillar of the community that he had left behind. She gave Christmas gifts to the poorest neighbors and mentored the most difficult kids in school; she was a joyful presence at bonfires, creek parties, and crawfish boils. Though exhausted by chemotherapy, she drew up a list of friends in need and prayed for them every night. She made a new rule for her family: “We will not be angry at God.” When friends threw her a benefit concert, a thousand people came. To Dreher, a devout Christian, she seemed beatific in her suffering. He wondered, Why does she like everybody but me?

All through Ruthie’s illness, Dreher wrote about her and the rest of his family on his blog, which is hosted on the Web site of The American Conservative, where he is a senior editor. For a decade, daily and at length, Dreher has written about his obsessions—orthodox Christianity, religious freedom, the “L.G.B.T. agenda,” the hypocrisy of privileged liberals, the nihilism of secular capitalism, the appeal of monasticism, the spiritual impoverishment of modernity, brisket—while sharing candid, emotional stories about his life. Dreher writes with graphomaniacal fervor and ardent changeability. He is as likely to admire Ta-Nehisi Coates’s dispatches from Paris as to inveigh against “safe spaces” on college campuses, and he delights in skewering the left and the right simultaneously—a recent post was called “How Are Pope Francis & Donald Trump Alike?” Because Dreher is at once spiritually and intellectually restless, his blog has become a destination for the ideologically bi-curious. Last year, his interview with J. D. Vance, the author of “Hillbilly Elegy,” was largely responsible for bringing the book to the attention of both liberal and conservative readers. He gets around a million page views a month.

A bad Dreher post can be mean-spirited and overwrought, but when he’s at his best his posts are unique: deeply confessional, achingly sincere, intellectually searching. The day after Ruthie died, in September, 2011, Dreher wrote a twenty-seven-hundred-word entry describing her funeral. He recalled how, the night before the service, half of St. Francisville had waited in the rain to pay their respects. Her friends sprinkled creek sand over her body, pulled up beach chairs, and sang to her. The next morning, because Ruthie often went barefoot, her daughters stood barefoot in their pew. When the funeral party arrived at the cemetery, Dreher saw that the pallbearers, too, had removed their shoes. The six burly men “carried Ruthie to her grave across the damp cemetery grounds in their bare feet,” Dreher wrote. The love he had seen was “of such intense beauty that it was hard to look upon it and hold yourself together.”

Ruthie’s funeral made him wonder about his own life, in Philadelphia. He and his wife, Julie, had friends there, and a rich cultural life, but it was impossible to replicate the deep roots his family had in St. Francisville, which seemed an illuminated place. The people there had an expansive, natural, spontaneous relationship to God that made his own faith feel intellectual and disembodied by comparison. This, he thought, was a function of how they lived: to really know God, one had to feel as much love as possible, and to really feel love one had to live among loved ones. The following month, Dreher moved with his wife and kids to St. Francisville. His plan was to fall back in love with his family and with God at the same time.

From the porch of a rented house, he began to codify his intuitions. He had long been fascinated by Benedict of Nursia, the sixth-century monk who, convinced that it was impossible to live virtuously in a fallen Roman Empire, founded a monastery where the flame of Christianity might be tended during the Dark Ages. This March, Dreher published “The Benedict Option: A Strategy for Christians in a Post-Christian Nation,” which David Brooks, in the Times, has called “the most discussed and most important religious book of the decade.” It asks why there aren’t more places like St. Francisville—places where faith, family, and community form an integrated whole.

Dreher’s answer is that nearly everything about the modern world conspires to eliminate them. He cites the Marxist sociologist Zygmunt Bauman, who coined the term “liquid modernity” to describe a way of life in which “change is so rapid that no social institutions have time to solidify.” The most successful people nowadays are flexible and rootless; they can live anywhere and believe anything. Dreher thinks that liquid modernity is a more or less unstoppable force—in part because capitalism and technology are unstoppable. He urges Christians, therefore, to remove themselves from the currents of modernity. They should turn inward, toward a kind of modern monasticism.

As a longtime reader of Dreher’s blog—an experience alternately enthralling and exasperating—I’d always wondered what he’d be like in person. I imagined him as argumentative and intense: a twenty-first-century version of a nineteenth-century preacher. In most of the photographs I could find online, he wears thick, round glasses; as a result, I nearly didn’t recognize him when we met, earlier this spring, at a Manhattan steak house. Without them, Dreher, now fifty, has an open, vulnerable, and strikingly handsome face. His graying beard and fashionably upswept haircut suggest a Confederate soldier in a historical drama. He wore black Chelsea boots and an oversized black leather jacket, and, around his left wrist, a knotted prayer rope. “Nice to meet you, brother,” he said. He speaks slowly and quietly, with a soft Louisiana drawl.

Over dinner—Dreher, who was observing Lent, confined himself to oysters and crab cakes—I learned what happened when he moved back to St. Francisville. “The thing that I dreamed of and hoped for didn’t work out,” he said. “They just wouldn’t accept me—not my sister’s kids, and not my dad and mom. They just could not accept that I was so different from them. I worshipped my dad—he was the strongest and wisest man I knew—but he was a country man, a Southern country man, and I just wasn’t. All that mattered was that I wasn’t like them. It just broke me.” He fell into a depression and was diagnosed with chronic mono, then went into therapy and read Dante. When Dreher speaks, his emotions flow across his face with complete transparency, changing phrase by phrase. (His glasses, I realized, provide him with some emotional privacy.) As he told his story, he looked freshly wounded, as if it had all happened that morning.

Dreher had planned to travel the next day to Washington, D.C., where he was scheduled to give a talk at the National Press Club, but a blizzard struck the East Coast. Because trains were cancelled, his publisher hired a driver to take him there that evening, after dinner, through the storm. Dreher sat in the back seat, his hands folded in his lap, regarding with serenity the spun-out cars along the highway. “I’ve been thinking a lot lately about my own longing for order,” he said. “I think it has to do with my dad. He was such a force. You thought the sun was in the sky in the morning because Daddy had hung it there, while he was making our honey buns and getting us ready for the school-bus ride.”

Ray O. Dreher grew up so poor that his family hunted squirrels for food. He liked to build, repair, hunt, and fish, and his forearms were freckled from the sun. He raised Rod and Ruthie with a firm sense of right and wrong. When he saw or read about an alcoholic, a philanderer, a shoplifter, he said, as if stating a fact, “That’s not how we do things.”

Once, when Dreher was seven, he did something mean to his sister—he doesn’t remember what—and his father told him it was time for a spanking. Dreher lay face down on the bed while his dad removed his belt. Then Ruthie, who was five, ran into the room and threw herself over him; she cried, “Whip me! Daddy, whip me! ” After a moment, Dreher’s father and sister left. He remained on the bed, mystified by what had happened. He sometimes wonders if his sister’s later wariness toward him flowed not from a divergence of values but from some long-forgotten habit of childhood cruelty for which he was never punished.

When Dreher was fourteen, he went hunting with Ray and Ruthie, and, with a shotgun, he killed two baby squirrels. Filled with remorse, he sat on the ground and cried. “You sissy,” his father growled.

Year by year, the distance between father and son grew. In college, at L.S.U., Dreher was a leftist who invited Abbie Hoffman to campus; he tried to debate politics with his father, who once responded, in genuine bewilderment, “Why would I lie to you?” It was as though his dad couldn’t comprehend the concept of difference. Dreher describes his father and his sister as “Bayou Confucians.” He explains, “They had this idea that, if you did what you were supposed to do, you would succeed. I didn’t do those things, but I didn’t fail, and that drove them crazy.” (Dreher moved right after college—he has worked as a blogger for National Review but now says that he is more “traditionalist” than conservative: “I think there’s an individualism at the center of both parties—the economic individualism of the Republicans and the secular, social individualism of the Democrats—that I find really incongruous with what I believe to be true because of my religion.”)

In South Louisiana, religion was everywhere, but, as a kid, Dreher was indifferent to it. Then, when he was seventeen, his mother, Dorothy, won a trip to Europe in a raffle and sent Rod in her place. He visited Chartres and felt judged by the beauty of the cathedral. He began to take religion seriously. When he was eighteen, he went to see Pope John Paul II at the Superdome, in New Orleans. The Pope appeared, and a thought flashed in Dreher’s mind: “I wish he were my dad.” In his twenties, Dreher wanted nothing more than to fall in love—he had a poster for the French film “Betty Blue” on his bedroom wall—but his romances felt increasingly shallow, even sad, compared with what he’d seen in France. At twenty-six, he converted to Catholicism. Fed up with what he perceived as his own caddishness—he had dated one girlfriend longer than he should have—he decided to embrace chastity until marriage. Three years later, he proposed to Julie in a church, kneeling before an icon.

Dreher left Catholicism in 2006; after covering the Catholic sex-abuse scandal for the Post and The American Conservative, he found it impossible to go to church without feeling angry. He and his wife converted to Eastern Orthodoxy, and, with a few other families, opened their own Orthodox mission church, near St. Francisville, sending away for a priest. It was Dreher’s Orthodox priest, Father Matthew, who laid down the law. “He said, ‘You have no choice as a Christian: you’ve got to love your dad even if he doesn’t love you back in the way that you want him to,’ ” Dreher recalled. “ ‘You cannot stand on justice: love matters more than justice, because the higher justice is love.’ ” When Dreher struggled to master his feelings, Father Matthew told him to perform a demanding Orthodox ritual called the Optina Rule. He recited the Jesus Prayer—“Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me, a sinner”—hundreds of times a day.

Two life-changing events occurred after Dreher began the regimen of prayer. He was alone at home one evening, lying in bed, when he sensed a presence in the room. “I felt a hand reach inside my heart and put a stone there,” he said. “And I could see, in some interior way, that the stone said, ‘God loves me.’ I’d doubted all my life that God really loved me.” A few months later, Dreher stopped by his dad’s house to organize his medications. Ray was sitting on the porch, reading the newspaper and drinking coffee. When Dreher leaned down to kiss him on the cheek, his father grabbed him by the arm. Tears were in his eyes. “He was stammering,” Dreher recalled. “He said, ‘I—I—I spent a long time talking to the Lord last night about you, and the transgressions I did against you. And I told him I was sorry. And I think he heard me.’ ” Recounting the story in the back seat of the car en route to D.C., Dreher still seemed astonished that this had happened. “I kissed him, and said, ‘I love you.’ ”

Dreher’s father died in 2015. The next summer, the mission lost its priest and one of the founding families moved away. To be near an Orthodox church, Dreher and his family moved to Baton Rouge. Looking back on his time in St. Francisville, Dreher thinks that, if he hadn’t moved there and then forced himself to follow the rules—prayer, proximity, love—he would have stayed an angry child forever.

“The Benedict Option” traces the decline of faith in the West all the way back to a fourteenth-century debate about the nature of God. God tells us how to be good—but are the things he deems good actually good in themselves, or good just because God says they are? According to one group, the “realists,” God is constrained by reality: the goodness toward which he points really exists in the world. According to the second group, the “nominalists,” God is totally free: simply by saying that something is good, he makes it so.

The nominalists thought they were doing God a favor, by recognizing his power. In fact, Dreher writes, they undermined him. Today, most people are nominalists. They doubt that entities like God, beauty, and evil are real in the same sense that the physical world is real. Even if they believe in God, they imagine a boundary between the transcendent plane, where God lives, and our material one. This boundary makes God abstract—a designer, a describer, a storyteller—rather than a concrete presence in our everyday life. By contrast, the early Christians were realists. They lived “sacramentally,” as though the world itself were charged with God’s presence. Last year, in a blog post called “Re-Sacramentalizing My Life,” Dreher wrote, “We won’t start to recover spiritually and morally until we begin to recover this ancient Christian vision to some significant degree—though how we Christians in postmodernity do so out of our own traditions is a very difficult question.”

“I liken liquid modernity to the Great Flood of the Bible,” Dreher said, at the National Press Club, speaking to a standing-room-only crowd of priests and journalists. The election of Donald Trump, he said, proved that the country was in the midst of a profound moral and spiritual crisis; the fact that so many Christians voted for him suggested a weakness in their faith. American Christianity had been replaced with “a malleable, feel-good, Jesus-lite philosophy perfectly suited to a consumerist, individualistic, post-Christian society that worships the self,” he said. “The flood cannot be turned back. The best we can do is construct arks within which we can ride it out, and by God’s grace make it across the dark sea of time to a future when we do find dry land again, and can start the rebuilding, reseeding, and renewal of the earth.”

Christians have always lived together in intentional communities. The Book of Acts describes how the early Christians, having sold their possessions, held “everything in common.” In the nineteen-sixties, a wave of Christian communes sprang up, some inspired by the counterculture, others reacting against it. In the main, however, Christians have sought to make America itself one big Christian community. Dreher thinks that this effort, most recently associated with the religious right, has been a disastrous mistake—it has led Christians to worship the idol of politics instead of strengthening their own faith. “I believe that politics in the Benedict Option should be localist,” he said. The idea was not to enter a monastery, exactly. But Christians should consider living in tight-knit, faith-centered communities, in the manner of Modern Orthodox Jews. They should follow rules and take vows. They should admit that the culture wars had been lost—same-sex marriage was the law of the land—and focus on their own spiritual lives. They should strive to make Christian life meaningfully different from life under high-tech, secular capitalism; they should take inspiration from Catholic dissidents under Communism, such as the Czech activist Václav Benda, who advocated the creation of a “parallel polis”—a society within a society. They should pray more often. Start their own schools. Move near their church. St. Benedict, Dreher said, didn’t try to “make Rome great again.” He tended his own garden, finding a way to live that served as “a sign of contradiction” to the declining world around him.

After a Q. & A. session—Was it really a good idea for Christians to live more cloistered lives?—Dreher made his way to a table, where he sat down to sign copies of “The Benedict Option.” A line stretched down the hall and around the corner. Many of those in it were longtime readers of his blog, and he seemed relieved to be offstage and among his people. (A friend of Dreher’s told me that, if Dreher had stayed in Brooklyn, he would have found exactly the kind of thick community he longed for: “He left too soon.”)

“I can’t do what I normally do when I’m waiting in line, which is read a new blog post from you,” one man said.

Dreher chuckled. “That’s me! Rod Dreher: no unblogged thoughts!” He wrestles with his addiction to blogging and to Twitter, and has covered the Apple logo on his laptop, which he calls “my precious,” with a sticker of the Benedictine emblem.

A well-dressed, middle-aged couple ambled up. “If I take the Benedict Option, I may have to give up reading you,” the man said. Laughing, his wife said that reading Dreher’s blog was the first thing that her husband did each morning.

“Give it up!” Dreher told him, pleased but embarrassed. “At least for Lent. It’ll increase your holiness.”

Two Dominican friars were next. One of them introduced himself as Brother Henry. “If you’d write something about the Dominican Option, I don’t have money to pay you, but I’d be tickled pink,” he said. He joked that he had been personally offended by the negative use of the word “cloistered” during the Q. & A.: “Hey, I actually live in a cloister!” Dreher looked a little awed as he signed Brother Henry’s book.

Dreher takes the phrase “the Benedict Option” from “After Virtue,” a 1981 work by the Scottish philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre. MacIntyre argued that Western civilization had lost its ability to think coherently about moral life. The problem was the Enlightenment, which put individuals in charge of deciding for themselves what was right and wrong. This, MacIntyre thought, rendered moral language meaningless. Try to say that something is “good,” and you end up saying only that it’s “good (to me)”—whatever that means. It becomes impossible to settle moral questions or to enforce moral rules; the best we can do is agree to disagree. Such a world falls into the hands of managers and technocrats, who excel at the perfection of means but lack the tools with which to think deeply about ends. Surviving this new age of darkness might call for the construction of local forms of community, where a realist approach to morality lives on. Today, MacIntyre wrote, “we are waiting not for a Godot but for another—doubtless very different—St. Benedict.”

Dreher’s book describes a number of intentional “Benedict Option communities” that serve, in his view, as arks in a liquidly modern sea. (Dreher hopes that many different kinds of communities—even, in theory, Muslim and Jewish ones—will adopt the “Benedict Option” label.) One is in Hyattsville, Maryland, a small suburb of Washington, D.C. The community has no name—residents just call it Hyattsville—but, judging from the size of its two gendered Listservs (“Barn Raisers,” for men, and “Hyattsville Catholic Women”), around two hundred Catholic families live there, in modest brick homes with front porches. They send their kids to St. Jerome Academy, a local Catholic school that they have more or less taken over.

The Hyattsville community got its start after Chris Currie, a public-relations consultant with a philosophy degree from Georgetown, moved there with his family in 1997. He persuaded his friends to join him, and one thing led to another. (He’s now the director of institutional advancement at St. Jerome’s.) Although Dreher had corresponded with Currie, he had never been there, and it took several minutes of pre-dawn driving to find Vigilante Coffee, where we had agreed to meet. Hyattsville’s relative affordability is especially appealing to large Catholic families, and the café was in an industrial space that might once have belonged to a body shop. Inside, indie rock jangled on the sound system. One wall was decorated with colorfully painted skateboards.

Currie turned out to be a tall man in a dark suit, with an emphatic, energetic manner. He was discussing Vigilante’s unofficial Catholic mission with Diane Contreras, the coffee shop’s thirty-year-old manager, who had moved to Hyattsville a few years ago, from Los Angeles, where she’d been a teacher at a charter school.

“The baristas here, some are Catholic, some aren’t,” Contreras said. “But we’re always talking about: How do you effect goodness in the world through your actions in the café? I want to be Catholic in every part of my world. That’s what I’m trying to do here, through coffee.”

“It’s all very intersectional,” Currie observed.

Although Dreher is voluble in one-on-one conversations, he is quieter in groups. He looked on in eager curiosity, resembling, in his thick glasses, long leather jacket, and black boots, a monk from some arctic monastery.

Currie led us outside, where we climbed a steep hill toward the school, an imposing brick pile. Inside, in the hallway, we passed a diverse group of students in Catholic-school uniforms. In the principal’s office—a dingy, institutional room with seafoam-colored walls—Currie introduced us to Michelle Trudeau, the vice-principal, and Merrill Roberts, a science teacher. Both had children at St. Jerome’s. Trudeau, who had an air of ironic mischief, had come to Hyattsville after dropping out of an anthropology Ph.D. program at Columbia; Roberts was about to finish his doctorate in solar physics at Catholic University, which is nearby.

They described some typical communal events. “Sunday-evening prayer is one of the largest community draws,” Roberts said. “People get together at somebody’s house and pray the office and have a big potluck dinner.”

“I trained in anthropology, and I was really interested in culture and theology, and this community has a lot of richness in those areas,” Trudeau said. “I’ve belonged to a bunch of book clubs in my life. They were always, ‘Did you like the book?’ ‘Yeah . . .’ Then it was celebrity sightings and what restaurant have you been to recently.” In Hyattsville, she said, book-club conversations included philosophy and theology, and continued afterward, on the Listserv.

“Well, on the men’s Listserv we talk about trading tools,” Roberts said, to general laughter.

In a teacherly way, Dreher broke in. “There’s something very Benedictine about the simple things, like exchanging tools,” he said. “That’s how Benedictine life is—contemplation is a part of it, but it’s also how to eat together. I like how St. Benedict says, in his Rule, ‘Treat your utensils like they were tools for the altar.’ In other words, he’s saying, treat everything as sacred, as a gift. If you do that, even the ordinary things you do can be done for Christ and for your neighbors.”

“I think that’s right,” Roberts said. “You can sanctify the simple things.”

“I mean, there are downsides,” Currie said. “The other day—it was seven-thirty in the morning—I was in the bathroom, and somebody knocked on the door. It was one of my Catholic neighbors. He didn’t apologize for it or anything. He was on his morning run, and he thought, ‘Oh, I’d like to talk to Chris about this.’ ”

“If you want to be a little more private, or isolated, then this might be kind of a difficult place to live,” Roberts said. “But that’s the point of intentional community. I tell myself, I chose to be part of this. I want my neighbors to talk to me about their lives. This conversation is a higher good.”

“People today, they want close community without sacrifice,” Dreher said. “They want the good things, and they want to edit out the bad things. But you cannot have that closeness without being up in each other’s business. The benefits come at a price.”

Afterward, in the car, Dreher seemed unusually quiet. We talked for a while about what distinguished a religious community like Hyattsville from a secular commune of progressives. (Dreher thinks that faith is the only rudder deep enough to change the course of life for an entire community and its children: “Religion isn’t a statement of how we feel about things but a standard to which we have to conform.”) We discussed the extroversion and effervescence of the Hyattsville Catholics (“That’s the difference between a monastery and a community”).

Our visit had been short, but he seemed wistful, even a little sad, to be leaving a place where he might have belonged. In a 2013 post, Dreher meditates on his perennial outsiderness. He says he likes visiting places where he could live but doesn’t—places where he is “a stranger, but not strange”—more than he enjoys fitting in at home. “I don’t want to feel this way, but I do,” he writes. He wonders if he is “an outsider by nature,” chasing a “sense of fitting-in, of Home, that . . . I am incapable of experiencing.”

One of Dreher’s favorite writers is Walker Percy, whose novel “The Moviegoer” is set in a fictionalized version of West Feliciana parish, where St. Francisville is situated. (Every year, Dreher hosts a Walker Percy Weekend, combining lectures from literary scholars with crawfish, bourbon, and beer.) Binx Bolling, the book’s protagonist, is a young stockbroker who finds himself on “the search”—the search being “what anyone would undertake if he were not sunk in the every-dayness of his own life.” Binx explains, “To become aware of the possibility of the search is to be onto something. Not to be onto something is to be in despair.”

The Catholics in Hyattsville seemed happy and at home. Later, in New York, I met some young Benedict Option Christians who seemed, like Dreher, to be on the search. Over artisanal mac-and-cheese, Leah and Alexi Sargeant told me about their own “Ben Op” initiatives. She was twenty-seven, worked for an altruistic for-profit, and wore a T-shirt advertising the “Metaphysical Transit Authority”; he was twenty-four, sported a bow tie, and worked as an editorial assistant for the religious magazine First Things. They had organized Benedict Option-themed poetry recitations and had begun hosting dinner parties for their Christian friends. An entire gathering had been devoted to debating the Benedict Option.

“We did an evening of job applications and prayer, because job applications suck,” Leah said. “Applying for jobs is profoundly depressing. When you don’t hear back, the message is: ‘You’re worthless.’ And that feeling of worthlessness isn’t only unpleasant. It’s untrue, from the point of view of being a Christian.” For the Lenten season, Alexi had adopted a new habit: praying morning office—a liturgical ritual that varies according to the calendar—with the help of a smartphone app, as he walked to work.

“It’s more techy than Rod would like, but it’s still great,” he said.

Another young Ben Op Christian who lives in New York told me that she didn’t share Dreher’s sense of outsiderness. “I grew up on the Upper West Side,” she said. “This is my St. Francisville.” At the same time, she said, “when I was growing up, there were these moments in the fall when you’d be walking in Central Park, and you’d see that pink, 7-p.m.-in-September sunlight on the buildings, and it seemed like there was another place the city was pointing to.” In an existential sense, she said, Christianity figured human beings as “resident aliens” in the world; the Benedict Option gave a name to the deliberate maintenance of that difference. Several years ago, with some friends who were also readers of Dreher’s, she had tried to start a theologically conservative church. She saw the church that she currently attended, in Manhattan, as a “deliberate community.” “A couple from my church lives in my house,” she said.

“What the Ben Op means to me is this,” Leah told me. “You’re married, right? Imagine a world where people didn’t agree that marriage was a concept—where there was no social understanding of marriage. And imagine that your marriage was really important to you, and that, when you interacted with other people, no one mentioned your marriage; there was no respect for it and no acknowledgment of its existence. You would do a lot to claw out some space to manifest that your marriage was important. And that’s how it is with the Benedict Option. We have a relationship with Christ. Really, it should be our most important relationship. But my relationship with Alexi is treated as more real and important and relevant. If I say, ‘Oh, I can’t make it, Alexi and I have a thing,’ that’s normal. But if I say, ‘Sorry, I have to go to church,’ that’s weird.”

They weren’t sure if they would stay in New York or move somewhere else. They loved the city, but its values—competition, individualism, transience, capitalism—seemed in tension with their faith. They were still making up their minds about how they wanted to live.

The upside of being a realist—of believing that the rules are as real, in their way, as the sky and the earth—is that you live in a morally sanctified world. The downside is that you risk being a realist about the wrong set of rules. Toward the end of our time together, I told Dreher that his life story seemed very similar to those of many gay men I knew. He had grown up in the South, with a hypermasculine father who found his sensitivity and difference alienating; he had gone away to find himself, and, since then, has struggled for a place in the world he left behind. Surely, I said, he must have sympathy for gay Christians. And yet Dreher is certain that gay marriage is wrong.

Like many orthodox Christian intellectuals, Dreher holds labyrinthine views on homosexuality. He is opposed to same-sex marriage but in favor of civil unions. In principle, he is against gay adoption, but in practice, he told me, “there are so many gay couples who are wonderful parents that I find it hard to maintain any ardor for stopping it.” Early in our correspondence, he referred me to an essay called “The Civic Project of American Christianity,” by Michael Hanby, a Catholic philosopher. The essay represents same-sex marriage not as a rights issue but as part of an ongoing, technology-driven revolution in our view of personhood. Hanby argues that, where we used to see human beings as possessing intrinsic properties—masculinity, femininity, the ability to glorify God through procreation—we now take a nominalist view of ourselves, seeing our bodies as subservient to our minds. We use technology, such as the birth-control pill, to subvert the natural way of things. Gay marriage, in this account, is a stepping-stone to a profoundly technologized society in which “the rejection of nature” is complete. Today, it’s sex-reassignment surgery and surrogacy; tomorrow, we’ll be genetically engineering our way into a post-human future.

The point of the essay is that there’s an irreducible conflict between orthodox Christianity and political liberalism. On his blog, Dreher acknowledges that “gays, understandably, find their personal dignity insulted by people who believe that their sexuality is in any way deficient.” He writes that gay couples can “genuinely, deeply, and sacrificially love each other.” Still, he maintains, “our bodies have intrinsic moral meaning. Christian orthodoxy is not nominalist.” He regularly defends religious people who act illiberally “for conscience reasons”—Orthodox Jews, traditionalist Muslims, the florist Baronelle Stutzman, who was sued when she refused to provide flowers for a gay wedding.

Dreher’s many critics sound a few common notes. They argue, first, that he is an alarmist about the decline of Christianity, and that he exaggerates the legal threats to its orthodox expression. They say that he has a blind spot about race and class, and note that many Christians seem just fine with the way society is changing. (“Ten years from now, ‘The Benedict Option’ will be an interesting artifact showing just how anxious white conservative Christians were about their changing place in society,” Robert P. Jones, who runs the Public Religion Research Institute, told me.) A deeper criticism is that Dreher’s anti-pluralism is too pessimistic—a rejection of the American project. Dreher writes that, on gay marriage, there can be “no tenable compromise” between orthodox Christians and progressives; many Christians would prefer a softer approach. They agree with Patrick Gilger, a Jesuit priest who, in a review of “The Benedict Option,” complained that Dreher’s “reading of pluralism as a problem prevents him from seeing it as a gift.” Earlier this year, Christianity Today put Dreher and “The Benedict Option” on its cover, and asked four experts to weigh in. John Inazu, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis who focusses on religion and free speech, argued that Christians should avoid Dreher’s defensiveness and embrace “confident pluralism”: “Our confidence in the gospel lets us find common ground with others even when we can’t agree on a common good.” When it comes to same-sex marriage, in other words, even orthodox Christians tend to be nominalist. They’d prefer to say, “Gay marriage is wrong (to me).”

The writer Andrew Sullivan, who is gay and Catholic, is one of Dreher’s good friends. Their friendship began in earnest in 2010, when Ruthie got sick and Dreher, moved by a spirit of generalized repentance, e-mailed Sullivan to apologize for anything “hard-hearted” he might have said in their various online arguments. Sullivan has a long-standing disagreement with Dreher over same-sex marriage, but he believes that the religiously devout should be permitted their dissent. “There is simply no way for an orthodox Catholic to embrace same-sex marriage,” he said. “The attempt to conflate that with homophobia is a sign of the unthinking nature of some liberal responses to religion. I really don’t think that florists who don’t want to contaminate themselves with a gay wedding should in any way be compelled to do so. I think any gay person that wants them to do that is being an asshole, to be honest—an intolerant asshole. Rod forces you to understand what real pluralism is: actually accepting people with completely different world views than your own.”

In “The Benedict Option,” Dreher writes that “the angry vehemence with which many gay activists condemn Christianity” is the understandable result of a history of “rejection and hatred by the church.” Orthodox Christians need to acknowledge this history, he continues, and “repent of it.” He has assured his children that, if they are gay, he will still love them; he is almost—but not quite—apologetic about his views, which he presents as a theological obligation. He sees orthodox Christians as powerless against the forces of liquidly modern progressivism; on his blog, he argues that “the question is not really ‘What are you conservative Christians prepared to tolerate?’ but actually ‘What are LGBTs and progressive allies prepared to tolerate?’ ” He wants them to be magnanimous in victory; to refrain from pressing their advantage. Essentially, he says to progressives: You’ve won. You wouldn’t sue Orthodox Jews or observant Muslims. Please don’t sue us, either.

“What I really love about Rod is that, even as he’s insisting upon certain truths, he’s obviously completely conflicted,” Sullivan said. “And he’s a mess! I don’t think he’d disagree with that. But he’s a mess in the best possible way, because he hasn’t anesthetized himself. He’s honest about a lot of the questions that many liberal and conservative Christians aren’t really addressing.” Talking to Sullivan about Dreher, I was reminded of Father Matthew’s law: “You’ve got to love your dad even if he doesn’t love you back in the way that you want him to.”

Two days after his visit to Hyattsville, Dreher returned to Manhattan to talk about the Benedict Option at the Union League Club, in midtown. Various Christians came out to see him. A flock of young men in gingham hailed from The American Conservative; hip-looking Manhattanites slouched in their seats; Orthodox priests, wearing dark robes and heavy crosses, waggled their beards in groups. In sober suits and head scarves, men and women from the Bruderhof, a vowed community in upstate New York, stood on the fringes of the crowd, behind tables stacked with copies of their magazine, Plough. There are a number of Bruderhof communities around the world—the first was founded in Germany, in 1920—and those who take the membership vows agree to give up private property and embrace nonviolence. Their presence seemed to have the effect of supporting and challenging Dreher simultaneously.

After Dreher spoke, there were a few respondents. Ross Douthat, the conservative Times columnist, suggested that even a watered-down version of the Benedict Option was useful: all religious people could stand to be a little more devout. Jacqueline Rivers, who directs the Seymour Institute for Black Church and Policy Studies, said that the Benedict Option was unlikely to help Christians address social injustices like segregation and inequality; in fact, it might perpetuate them. (Dreher’s theory is that intentional communities, by “living in truth,” can inspire the rest of us to change in more worldly ways.)

The most striking comments came from Randall Gauger, a bishop at the Bruderhof, who, with his wife, had lived for many years in a Bruderhof community in Australia. (They now live in a Pennsylvania Bruderhof community.) A bald man in his sixties wearing a tan sports coat, a black shirt, and a tan tie, Gauger described what he and his wife had done after “withdrawing.” They hung out with their neighbors at barbecues; they babysat and visited elderly shut-ins. Gauger became a police chaplain. Other Bruderhof members became firefighters or E.M.T.s. They collaborated with farmers on sustainable agriculture, partnered with charities, volunteered in “crisis situations,” and hosted thousands of guests, including politicians and Aboriginal leaders. “Would we have done as much as a solitary nuclear family?” Gauger asked. “I doubt it.” He pointed out that capitalist society caters to people with “extraordinary talents”: “Only in a communal church can the old and the very young, hurting military veterans, the disabled, the mentally ill, ex-addicts, ex-felons, or simply annoying people, like myself, find a place where they can be healed and accepted and, what’s more, contribute to life.” His criticism of “The Benedict Option” was that it did not go far enough. “Why stop at Benedict when we can go back to the original source of Christianity? Christians living in full community is how the church began . . . and the early church was far more radical than anything Rod has so far proposed.” Dreher, sitting next to him onstage, listened, enraptured, with his head on his hand.

Afterward, Dreher and the other panelists retreated to the club’s library. Bartenders served the Benedict Option (“another—doubtless very different—cocktail,” made with whiskey, amaro, St-Germain, lemon juice, and simple syrup). Dreher, aglow, worked the room.

“Everybody’s feeling a bit of a spiritual earthquake,” Jonathan Coppage, a onetime colleague of Dreher’s at The American Conservative, said. “He’s a seeker. He’s a rolling stone.”

Mattia Ferraresi, the New York correspondent for Il Foglio, mused on Dreher’s Americanness. “The idea of a ‘community’ that’s somehow separated, I think it’s foreign to Italians,” he said. “For us, it’s about blending and layering in a small space—the Romans, the Church . . . ”

“Part of the problem with religion is that it can just be an aestheticization of life,” a young Orthodox priest from Yonkers said. “It’s still late-modern capitalism working its insidious tentacles. We need a vocabulary to get outside of that.”

A group of fresh-faced young people from the Bruderhof hung together in a book nook. They were not drinking Benedict Options.

Dreher had long been fascinated by the Bruderhof, and the next morning he travelled upstate to learn more about the community. Members of the Bruderhof told me they were uncomfortable with a journalist tagging along, so after his visit Dreher called to tell me what it had been like. He had sung with them in church and eaten with them in their communal dining hall. (Their brewmaster, unfortunately, was out of beer.) He had stayed with a family who lived without television or the Internet, and he read stories to their little boy. He’d visited the primary school; in a classroom, he noticed a teacher holding a child in her arms.

“Oh, he’s asleep,” Dreher observed.

“No, he has cerebral palsy,” his guide said.

“It was like a Pietà, that woman with that boy in her arms,” Dreher told me. “If that child were out in the world, who knows how expensive his treatment would be. It would be thoroughly medicalized and impersonal. Later, I saw him being brought into the luncheon assembly with his dad and his mom.” The very old, too, are fully integrated into Bruderhof life, Dreher said. A man he met had told him, “One of the measures of our community is how much dignity we give to our elderly.” Dreher said that he now regretted the occasionally “shrill” tone of his book: “I’m truly trying to shake people out of their complacency about church, but to visit the Bruderhof is to go to a place of quiet and contemplation and kindness. I wish I’d been able to capture more of that.” He urged me to go to the Bruderhof Web site, where I could read the community’s rule of life.

“There seemed to be such order there,” Dreher said. “Not a forced, grim, tense order—just life. Life wasn’t directed by the television or the computer. It was ordered by the sacred. They’ve sacrificed their liberty and their comfort in ways I would probably find impossible. The gentleness of the people, how serene they seemed, and not in any weird or ethereal way—it reminded me of the old country people I grew up with around South Louisiana. They were just more at home in the world than I am. At the Bruderhof, they seem so . . . normal. It makes me think, Who are the abnormal ones here? These people, who live in such close rhythm with their own lives and the life of the church, or people like me, who live like I do?” He paused. “It was a sign to me of what could be.”

I met Dreher a couple years ago when he came to speak at the (classical charter) school my brother-in-law teaches at. Very affable guy. His new book has been a lightning rod, though. Really seems to divide people over whether they believe our current liberal order is sustainable or not.
 

zelezo vlk

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That's a long read, but a very good one. I guess I'll actually need to pick up Dreher's book; it's seemingly everywhere.
 
C

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Considering that outside of his 4 years as President, Jimmy Carter is a Southern Legend and very well respected by most everyone, this is something I just dont know what to think.
Losing my religion for equality

Women and girls have been discriminated against for too long in a twisted interpretation of the word of God.

I HAVE been a practising Christian all my life and a deacon and Bible teacher for many years. My faith is a source of strength and comfort to me, as religious beliefs are to hundreds of millions of people around the world. So my decision to sever my ties with the Southern Baptist Convention, after six decades, was painful and difficult. It was, however, an unavoidable decision when the convention's leaders, quoting a few carefully selected Bible verses and claiming that Eve was created second to Adam and was responsible for original sin, ordained that women must be "subservient" to their husbands and prohibited from serving as deacons, pastors or chaplains in the military service.

This view that women are somehow inferior to men is not restricted to one religion or belief. Women are prevented from playing a full and equal role in many faiths. Nor, tragically, does its influence stop at the walls of the church, mosque, synagogue or temple. This discrimination, unjustifiably attributed to a Higher Authority, has provided a reason or excuse for the deprivation of women's equal rights across the world for centuries.

At its most repugnant, the belief that women must be subjugated to the wishes of men excuses slavery, violence, forced prostitution, genital mutilation and national laws that omit rape as a crime. But it also costs many millions of girls and women control over their own bodies and lives, and continues to deny them fair access to education, health, employment and influence within their own communities.

The impact of these religious beliefs touches every aspect of our lives. They help explain why in many countries boys are educated before girls; why girls are told when and whom they must marry; and why many face enormous and unacceptable risks in pregnancy and childbirth because their basic health needs are not met.

In some Islamic nations, women are restricted in their movements, punished for permitting the exposure of an arm or ankle, deprived of education, prohibited from driving a car or competing with men for a job. If a woman is raped, she is often most severely punished as the guilty party in the crime.

The same discriminatory thinking lies behind the continuing gender gap in pay and why there are still so few women in office in the West. The root of this prejudice lies deep in our histories, but its impact is felt every day. It is not women and girls alone who suffer. It damages all of us. The evidence shows that investing in women and girls delivers major benefits for society. An educated woman has healthier children. She is more likely to send them to school. She earns more and invests what she earns in her family.

It is simply self-defeating for any community to discriminate against half its population. We need to challenge these self-serving and outdated attitudes and practices - as we are seeing in Iran where women are at the forefront of the battle for democracy and freedom.

I understand, however, why many political leaders can be reluctant about stepping into this minefield. Religion, and tradition, are powerful and sensitive areas to challenge. But my fellow Elders and I, who come from many faiths and backgrounds, no longer need to worry about winning votes or avoiding controversy - and we are deeply committed to challenging injustice wherever we see it.

The Elders are an independent group of eminent global leaders, brought together by former South African president Nelson Mandela, who offer their influence and experience to support peace building, help address major causes of human suffering and promote the shared interests of humanity. We have decided to draw particular attention to the responsibility of religious and traditional leaders in ensuring equality and human rights and have recently published a statement that declares: "The justification of discrimination against women and girls on grounds of religion or tradition, as if it were prescribed by a Higher Authority, is unacceptable."

We are calling on all leaders to challenge and change the harmful teachings and practices, no matter how ingrained, which justify discrimination against women. We ask, in particular, that leaders of all religions have the courage to acknowledge and emphasise the positive messages of dignity and equality that all the world's major faiths share.

The carefully selected verses found in the Holy Scriptures to justify the superiority of men owe more to time and place - and the determination of male leaders to hold onto their influence - than eternal truths. Similar biblical excerpts could be found to support the approval of slavery and the timid acquiescence to oppressive rulers.

I am also familiar with vivid descriptions in the same Scriptures in which women are revered as pre-eminent leaders. During the years of the early Christian church women served as deacons, priests, bishops, apostles, teachers and prophets. It wasn't until the fourth century that dominant Christian leaders, all men, twisted and distorted Holy Scriptures to perpetuate their ascendant positions within the religious hierarchy.

The truth is that male religious leaders have had - and still have - an option to interpret holy teachings either to exalt or subjugate women. They have, for their own selfish ends, overwhelmingly chosen the latter. Their continuing choice provides the foundation or justification for much of the pervasive persecution and abuse of women throughout the world. This is in clear violation not just of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights but also the teachings of Jesus Christ, the Apostle Paul, Moses and the prophets, Muhammad, and founders of other great religions - all of whom have called for proper and equitable treatment of all the children of God. It is time we had the courage to challenge these views.

OBSERVER

Jimmy Carter was president of the United States from 1977 to 1981.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Considering that outside of his 4 years as President, Jimmy Carter is a Southern Legend and very well respected by most everyone, this is something I just dont know what to think.
Losing my religion for equality

I can't disagree with Carter's assertion that the theology of the SBC and Islam often leads to injustice for women. But you should be very skeptical any time someone tries painting a hugely multifaceted topic like "religion" with such a broad brush. Particularly when the conclusion is that secular liberalism has finally arrived at the right answer. The following assertions in particular rest on very questionable empirical bases:

The same discriminatory thinking lies behind the continuing gender gap in pay and why there are still so few women in office in the West.

During the years of the early Christian church women served as deacons, priests, bishops, apostles, teachers and prophets. It wasn't until the fourth century that dominant Christian leaders, all men, twisted and distorted Holy Scriptures to perpetuate their ascendant positions within the religious hierarchy.

This is in clear violation not just of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights but also the teachings of Jesus Christ, the Apostle Paul, Moses and the prophets, Muhammad, and founders of other great religions - all of whom have called for proper and equitable treatment of all the children of God.

Sounds like Carter has simply left the SBC for the UUC. Whether the truth claims of his current denomination are persuasive is up for debate, because he doesn't bother to make a case for them here.
 

Domina Nostra

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Considering that outside of his 4 years as President, Jimmy Carter is a Southern Legend and very well respected by most everyone, this is something I just dont know what to think.
Losing my religion for equality

"Respect" can mean a lot of things. In my corner of the South, people generally agree that Carter seems like an upstanding man, but they certainly don't think of him as a legend. They think of him as the kind of guy that you would say stuff like what you posted. That is 100% in line with the kind of stuff he's always saying.

He comes off as sincere, but one of those guys who sincerely interprets his religion through his worldview, and not the other way around. For some reason, this doesn't bother him. I guess if he had to explain it, he would say that the Holy Spirit is always moving us forward, and that our understanding of God is always moving forward.

In the end of the day, the World needs to change to reflect his worldview and God obviously agrees with him. So he can somehow take money from the Saudis, bash Israel , and then lecture everyone on women's rights. The people whose opinions he apparently cares about think this is all consistent, or at least don't care, so that's that.
 
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Old Man Mike

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In the general view that he expresses about the injustices rained upon women (mainly by men using religious interpretations to rationalize their superioristic opinions of themselves, when their main superiority comes almost solely from the extreme extra power that they can generate from their shoulder to their fist), I agree with Jimmy Carter almost entirely. Some of the idiosyncratic business in this article tied into religions that I don't fully understand, I'll let go as beyond my "right" to comment upon (i.e. don't fully understand means haven't earned the right to critique one way or another).

This is a good man who has spent most of his life thoughtfully. Since he is already labeled with the deadly denomination of "liberal", he, and I, must wholly be discounted of course, but I wouldn't mind spending some of my last hours sitting in a southern backyard listening to Nature, and talking about life while a crowd of nice people raised a Habitat House.

Smearing him as a Unitarian is way out of line. I viewed Unitarianism as an empty bail-out and more of a discussion club for people with no ability to commit to anything (i.e. no faith.) Saying Carter has no faith in anything is a cheap shot. It's hard for me to express how much it angers me to see how easy it is to wave away a man's life with a word. Time to take another IE vacation.
 

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Whiskey, thanks for the Dreher article. I have a friend beating the same drum. Wish you had roots in the midwest...
 

Whiskeyjack

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I really enjoyed this article by Jake Meador at Mere Orthodoxy on political theologies:

One of the smarter criticisms I’ve read of Rod’s book comes from Doug Wilson’s initial post about it in which he raises the question of whether we are moving into a time of extended testing under an established regime hostile to the Gospel or whether we are moving into a time of political chaos where pretty much anything is possible within the next 20 to 30 years. Rod himself is conflicted about this, as Doug noted in his review. When he responded to a similar point being made by Brad Littlejohn, Rod said that he didn’t see why it mattered whether we were headed into one sort of social order or another.

In a sense, that’s a reasonable response. As Douthat noted at the event in New York, Rod is right (about the need for a renewal of catechesis and the cultivation of Christianity community) even if he is wrong (about the specific nature of the forces arrayed against the church in our historical moment). To the extent that the BenOp is simply a modern-day Enchiridion, as I said it was in my review, it is a useful book for everyone regardless of what the immediate future holds and regardless of your own specific ecclesial affiliation.

What if the current social order is unstable and unsustainable?

That said, as Susannah noted in her sharp essay we published last week, the election of Donald Trump suggests that, if anything, the “Benedict” bit of the book’s title may be more accurate than even Rod realized while writing it. If we are moving into uncharted waters, as Trump’s election along with the ascent of the far right in Europe would suggest, then we cannot simply stop at producing Enchiridions, we also need to do some more theoretical thinking about the nature of human community as it relates to the Christian faith. Rod gestures in that direction at times, but to the extent that he develops a political theology in the book at all it is, strangely, a fairly Anabaptist sort of Christ-against-culture theology.

But, of course, Anabaptist political theology is not the only option available to us, even if it may sometimes seem that way within the limited confines of intellectual American evangelicalism. There are other options. And if we are headed into a time of chaos, then we need to not only have our own piety and communal practice in order, we also need to be thinking about more high-level questions, such as the nature of a virtuous society, how to understand the liberal individualism that is the air most of us breathe every day, and the church’s proper relationship to the magistrate amongst others.

Toward that end, this post is an attempt to index six basic postures that Christians might take toward mainstream culture (by which I mean, roughly, the products and general influence of powerful cultural institutions existing in media, politics, academia, tech, and finance that are primarily based on either coast or in Chicago). By classifying the various approaches that seem to be most common, I hope that this post can refocus the conversation so that it is less about personalities and single issues and is instead focused on more fundamental questions of first principles.

What is Liberalism?

Before we can get into identifying groups and faultlines that separate them, we must first define a term that is going to be near the center of the entire discussion: Liberalism. When I speak of liberalism, I am referring to something broader than just left-wing politics or even some brand of liberalism realized in a single discipline, such as theological liberalism.

At its heart, liberalism is concerned with how human beings know things. As a system, it is suspicious of knowledge not derived from empirical observation. Thus it is suspicious of the claims of religious faith as they inform social life. Religious practice is fine for individuals, but any attempt to enforce a set of religiously based moral norms beyond the religious individual or maybe a voluntary religious community is suspect because the knowledge is not sure enough to justify political application. Indeed, this skepticism goes beyond a skepticism toward religious faith and goes so far as a skepticism toward any kind of comprehensive moral system that claims to be true in anything beyond a particular, local sense. We simply do not trust our moral judgments enough to think they can be binding in anything beyond an individualistic, voluntaristic sense. When this epistemological agnosticism becomes pervasive in a social order, you basically have some species of liberalism.

In an odd way, these instincts can make liberalism like a more traditional Christian sort of social order. It tells us that men should be persuaded rather than coerced into belief. It tells us that there is, as one friend put it, a “just area of sovereignty,” that each person possesses. However, the way that liberalism arrives at these ideas is not necessarily through the belief in a God who rules over creation and endows his creatures with dignity, honor, and freedom. Rather, they arrive at it through a lack of confidence in the ability of anybody to wield coercive authority justly or to infringe upon a person’s autonomy.

Thus liberalism is forced into being a sort of lowest-common-denominator form of social organization that prizes, as Elliot Milco helpfully summarizes it, free discourse, mutual toleration, and the struggle for liberation. The only thing we think we can know with any certainty is the individual self and that self’s experience of reality and so everything about our social order exists to protect that kind of self-expression.

When folks inclined toward some sort of post-liberal social critique observe this, they conclude that liberalism is fundamentally an unstable suicide machine. The values of liberalism are not sufficient to create civil society and so liberalism is essentially a doomsday device that will simply wind down until it hits zero, at which point civil society will fracture and something new will have to take its place. (This is roughly the point that many of the people I cited in my “new alarmism” post were making.)

The first four options described below see liberalism in this fashion. The last two options are not as radical in their critique. They argue, instead, that liberalism either has resources within itself to prevent this sort of fracturing or that Christian communities can work with the resources of liberalism to create a just society or both.

The Four Axes of Cultural Engagement

Before getting into the six schools, however, we need to begin by talking about four main axes that will define where most people end up. With a hat tip to Chris Krycho who first articulated in this exact way, the four axes are:

  • Accommodationist v Post-Liberal
  • Confessional v Non-confessional
  • Anabaptist v Pentecostal v Protestant v Roman Catholic
  • Revanchist v Retreatist
A few terms from that list need defining.

Accomodationist v Post-Liberal refers to what one makes of the liberal democratic order we currently live in. I have described that order above so the only thing I will add here is that this axis in particular is going to be defined by a lot of gradations between an absolute accomodationalism and absolute post-liberalism.

Confessional v non-confessional refers to whether or not your church community is bound in any way by any kind of historical confessional document. So the PCA, Roman Catholic Church, or LCMS would be confessional churches, although the mechanisms that are used to enforce confessions are different. The understanding of who is or is not subject to the confession will also change from denomination to denomination. The SBC is not confessional. Non-denominational churches (usually) are not. Acts 29 Churches can be in either category as Acts 29 is simply a network for church planting and member churches can be in confessional bodies, such as the PCA, or non-confessional, such as the SBC.

The third axis should be clear enough: Which of the four major western Christian traditions do you belong to?

The fourth refers to your basic instinct as to how we ought to respond to our cultural moment. A revanchist would be someone who wants to take back ground that has been lost. Retreatists would be more inclined to say “we need to circle the wagons a bit, shore up some things, and regroup.”

So one way of thinking about these issues is to ask where you land on these four axes. Someone who is a post-liberal Catholic revanchist will obviously have very different ideas about how to proceed in a situation than an accommodationist Protestant or a post-liberal anabaptist retreatist, for example.

The Six Strategies

With that bit of methodology now explained, let’s consider the six most common strategies that Christians seem to be embracing. They are:

  • Catholic Integralism
  • Post-Liberal Protestantism
  • Post-Liberal Retreatists
  • Radical Anabaptists
  • Liberal Protestantism
  • Liberal Revanchists
I also want to note that I have ordered them in a particular way. The first four approaches are all variations that reject modern liberalism. The first two approaches, Catholic Integralism and Post-Liberal Protestantism, retain a fairly robust idea of civil society and the polis while the third and fourth strategies, Post-Liberal Retreatism and Radical Anabaptist, would offer a similarly stinging critique of liberalism but are much less hopeful about the possibility of reinvigorating civil society and are often even skeptical as to whether such a work is necessary or desirable, although that is a contested point within these groups.

The fifth group, the Liberal Protestants, are the first of the two groups that are much more at peace with modern liberalism. What separates them from the Post-Liberal Protestants is that they are more hopeful about the possibility of a just society existing within our current social order. What separates them from the sixth group is that they are also quite skeptical of any sort of “God-and-country nationalism” or other similar rhetoric from the religious right. Finally, the sixth group, the Liberal Revanchists, are those who see the American experiment as being compatible with a just society but who think that we need to take back large swathes of society in order to achieve such a goal. On the evangelical side of things, this is the old Religious Right plus many Trump-supporting evangelicals. Amongst Catholics, this is the John Courtney Murray wing of American Catholicism.

One reason I have made this option sixth and placed Catholic Integralism first is that the current editor of First Things, Dr. R. R. Reno, strikes me as someone straddling the line between the first and sixth options in a “so far left he’s almost right” sort of way. He also seems to be a transitional figure in the history of First Things. Richard John Neuhaus, the founding editor of the magazine, clearly belongs to the sixth school. Younger editors like Matthew Schmitz and Elliot Milco (himself a founder of The Josias) are clearly part of the first school. So Reno is a major figure here both because he seems to represent a transition chronologically and because he seems to be the only prominent Catholic thinker in the US right now trying to blend some of the Integralist insights with the more pro-American ethos of writers like his predecessor Neuhaus as well as George Weigel.

Catholic Integralism

Conveniently, the integralist school has a reasonably active web presence and has gone to some length to articulate core principles. So this is a relatively easy one to define. Here is Pater Edmund explaining the basic idea of integralism:

Catholic Integralism is a tradition of thought that rejects the liberal separation of politics from concern with the end of human life, holding that political rule must order man to his final goal. Since, however, man has both a temporal and an eternal end, integralism holds that there are two powers that rule him: a temporal power and a spiritual power. And since man’s temporal end is subordinated to his eternal end the temporal power must be subordinated to the spiritual power.

In another essay, Pater Edmund helpfully draws some distinctions between what he sees as the three main schools of political theology in Catholicism: Integralism, Whig Thomism, and Radical Augustinianism:

Catholic integralism (not to be confused with secular movements such as integral nationalism) was a name first applied in the 19th and early 20th centuries to Catholics who defended the anti-liberal and anti-modernist teachings of the popes. Particularly integralism came to be associated with a defense of pontifical teachings against the separation of Church and state, and the claim that Social Kingship of Christ demands an explicit subordination of all areas of human social and political life to God through His Church.

The idea of Integralism is thus rather simple: Because man’s temporal end is subservient to his eternal end, the institutions which exist to help fulfill temporal ends must be subservient to those which help to fulfill eternal ends. Put briefly, in a just society the magistrate would be somehow responsive to or under the authority of the Roman church and specifically the Bishop of Rome because the Bishop of Rome presides over the only true and complete community, the Roman Catholic Church.

This idea seems radical to us today, but it really shouldn’t. It’s a core idea of Roman political theology, despite its falling out of vogue amongst many Catholic thinkers over the past 150 years. Indeed, the USA’s history of anti-Catholicism makes more sense when you realize that Integralism is an established, easily defended view within the Roman church. It wasn’t until JFK effectively diffused that fear with his famous 1960 speech that many Americans became more willing to support a Catholic presidential candidate. Indeed, JFK’s speech is in many ways a good distillation of the liberal project we have already described:3

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute, where no Catholic prelate would tell the president (should he be Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference; and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the president who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.

Of course, not all American Catholics have gone with JFK on this. Former presidential candidate Rick Santorum, though he is by no means an Integralist, expressed strong dislike for the speech when asked about it several years ago. However, while Santorum belongs to the liberal revanchist school and differs from church teaching on a number of key points, the Integralists take church teaching at its face value and believe that a just magistrate is a magistrate that submits itself to the church and attempts to promote a social order shaped by the church’s teachings and particularly by Catholic Social Teaching.

As such, the Integralists are a politically homeless group in American politics. They are far too left wing on immigration, economics, and healthcare policy to fit within the Republican Party but their rock-ribbed commitment to church teaching on sexual ethics makes them anathema to the modern Democrat Party.

Of course, such is the radicalism of this approach that it is hard to know where exactly such a movement would begin their work within the contemporary United States. Their current projects are mostly focused around publishing and a reinvigoration of American Catholicism. There is certainly a mini revival happening in the northeast right now and many of the young converts this revival has produced seem to be moving toward some sort of trad Catholicism which is where the Integralists are coming from.

That said, the only way American Catholicism has been able to establish a political foothold in America is by repudiating Integralism. So it is hard to see how the Integralism school can really take root in the United States without some sort of major revolution that creates such instability in the United States that more radical ideas can take deeper root. (Of course, such a revolution is not nearly as unthinkable as it once was.)

In the meantime, the most pressing need for the integralists would seem to be catechetical—how do you teach American Catholics their church’s traditional political theology and how do you do it in a way that sticks in a place that is so famously hostile to such political theology?

Post-Liberal Protestantism

By the nature of their ecclesiology, Post-Liberal Protestants will not have the same sort of focus on tying the magistrate, which helps to secure temporal goods, with the church, which helps secure eternal goods. Indeed, they would critique that formulation by saying the institutional church as such does not strictly speaking secure eternal goods—Christ does that. The institutional church exists as a useful mechanism for administering the sacraments, preaching the Gospel, and assisting with the cultivation of Christian discipline and spiritual practices.

But wherever two or three are gathered in Christ’s name, there is the church, even if it is not recognizable as such institutionally speaking. (The Dutch Reformed in particular have distinguished between the “institutional” and the “organic” church.) Thus the institutional church does not have the same role in securing eternal goods for Post-Liberal Protestants. So the question for this group has less to do with authority mediated through institutions and more with the sorts of authority that are considered licit in political discourse in the first place.

On a base level both the Post-Liberal Protestants and Catholic Integralists agree that Christ is king of all things and this includes the magistrate or local governing authority. You cannot cordon off a part of your life or a part of society as being somehow “non-religious” and therefore not accountable to the moral teachings of Christianity. You cannot say, as do many progressive Americans, that religious dogma is not a legitimate basis for public policy, for example.

However, whereas the Integralist vision of society is fairly hierarchical with the Bishop of Rome quite literally on the throne, the Post-Liberal Protestant view is more diffused, seeing society as being organized around different spheres and power being spread across those spheres and rightly enacted only within limited domains.

The family is foundational in this as it is the most basic, naturally occurring society within a broader commonwealth. But neighborhoods, cities, institutional churches, the magistrate, and the market all have a role to play in a Post-Liberal Protestant order and, as each of these institutions is thought to be part of what Calvin termed the “visible kingdom” ranking them in a sort of rigid hierarchy is difficult. The practical reality of how the different spheres relates thus ends up being much more complex and responsive to local questions and norms.

That highlights where the Post-Liberal Protestants differ from their Integralist cousins. However, it is just as important to highlight how they differ from our other post-liberal groups as well as where they differ from Liberal Protestants or Liberal Revanchists.

Unlike the Post-Liberal Retreatists and the Anabaptist Radicals, the Post-Liberal Protestants still have a fairly expansive, robust view of civil society. They would reject Hauerwasian-influenced rhetoric about the church being a polis, for example. Institutional churches cannot be a polis or a culture, to use another common term, because institutional churches are not complete societies. Institutional churches have a relatively narrow set of responsibilities within a broader society. They ought to administer the sacraments, preach the Word, and aid in the cultivation of Christian discipline. The third mark is where you can get some of the functions of a more complete polis, but even that is relatively limited.

In addition to these works, complete societies need a number of other things as well. Most obviously they need a mechanism to enforce the rule of law and protect the innocent through both a military and a police force. These responsibilities are assigned to the magistrate in Scripture. Other sorts of material provisions for the common good may also fall to the magistrate, although there is going to be room for debate on the specifics of how that works itself out. In addition to those responsibilities, you also need social structures to provide for the raising of children and care for the elderly (the family), for providing a living for the family (mostly the market), and so on.

Post-Liberal Protestants see each of these separate social spheres as properly belonging to a Christian society or, if you wish, to Christendom. To articulate more fully the dispute with the Post-Liberal Retreatists and Anabaptists will require us to turn our attention to those groups.

Post-Liberal Retreatists

The Post-Liberal Retreatists include people arguing for a literal retreat from much of modern society, as some have (erroneously) included Rod Dreher of doing. But the key point for defining the retreatists isn’t actually whether or not they actually advocate for a retreat from civil society. Rather, the issue is how this group understands the role and work of civil society.

One way of making the point might be to say that there are three different ways you might talk about “retreatism”:

  • Temperamental—There is some sort of personality trait or cultural trait within a small movement that inclines them toward retreat.
  • Tactical—There is a short-term reason to “retreat” but this is seen as a temporary move in order to stabilize a community before they move back out into the world.
  • Theological—The goods that civil society aspires to are goods, in some limited sense, but are ultimately of limited value and are not properly “Christian” but just belong to a kind of baseline public health.

The Post-Liberal Retreatists are those who affirm the third sort of retreatism.

One way of understanding the Post-Liberal Retreatists might be to see them as Christians who embrace a functionally Anabaptist understanding of civil society without embracing other Anabaptist distinctives, such as the common sharing of property and a commitment to non-violence.

Dreher himself might fit into this picture. However, his situation is complicated. Given his own membership in the Orthodox Church, one would expect him to have quite high regard for civil society, or at least for the magistrate’s role in cultivating and preserving Christian society. That said, one astute friend remarked that because Orthodox Political Theology has such an expansive view of the power of the magistrate, perhaps Orthodox Christians default into a kind of Anabaptist separatism in nations where the magistrate is not Orthodox.

That said, the main people I have in view in this section are evangelicals of a couple different stripes. The first are the New Southern Baptists with Dr. Russell Moore of the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission as an obvious figurehead. Dr. Jonathan Leeman of 9 Marks Ministries may also fit in this group, though he comes from a slightly different tribe within the SBC than Moore. The second group are the proponents of the New Reformed Two Kingdoms view, which would include thinkers like David VanDrunen, D. G. Hart, R. Scott Clark, and maybe Carl Trueman.

The best way to get at the key difference between this group and the Radical Anabaptists is to highlight the differences in how they see the church’s relationship to civil society. For these thinkers, there is no problem with Christians participating in civil society. Indeed, such participation is inevitable. That is why Dr. Moore heads up an organization dedicated to protecting religious liberty and why Dr. Leeman and a number of his colleagues with 9 Marks pastor in Washington D.C. and support church planting efforts in the capitol city.

However, the good that these thinkers hope to achieve in all societies outside of the institutional church is purely natural while the goods they hope to achieve within the church are supernatural. The institutional church is, in Leeman’s understanding, an embassy for the Kingdom of God. Thus the institutional church as such is an institution of a qualitatively different sort than any other physical, visible institutions in the world. Likewise, Drs. VanDrunen, Hart, Clark, and Trueman have all at various times gotten very nervous about what they see as an attempt to sacralize work that is rightly understood as secular.

Thus there are two core pieces that unite the Post-Liberal Retreatists:

  • First, they have what I take to be a realistic and appropriately sober assessment of our cultural state.
  • Second, they see the work to be done in non-ecclesial institutions as being primarily defensive not only in our current moment, but in principle. The positive work of taking hold of supernatural goods happens primarily in the institutional church.

Thus the Post-Liberal Retreatists are suspended, as it were, between the Post-Liberal Protestants and the Radical Anabaptists. They share a similar read of the current cultural moment with both groups. Like the Post-Liberal Protestants, they still have a place for Christian participation in civil society. Like the Radical Anabaptists, they see the work of the institutional church as being qualitatively different than the work Christians do outside the church and essentially constructive in a way that civil society participation cannot be. So they would say, with the Anabaptists, that the church is a polis, but that it is not a comprehensive polis in the way that the Anabaptists use the term.

The Radical Anabaptists

The fourth group are the Radical Anabaptists. The purist expression of this sort of vision would be groups like the Amish, Hutterites, or the Bruderhof. The Radical Anabaptists see civil society as being basically broken, believe that the church is the alternative polis that exists separate from civil society, and that the church is in fact a complete society unto itself.

A few key points follow from these basic ideas:

  • First, the Radical Anabaptists have to be credobaptist due to the implicitly voluntaristic way in which they understand Christian civil society.
  • Second, the Radical Anabaptists will certainly have a different approach to the question of private property and, in many cases, will reject the idea of privately held property all together.
  • Third, because the church is a polis unto itself, a number of ethical questions concerning the relationship between individual Christians and public life are dramatically simplified. The best example of this is the Radical Anabaptist commitment to Christian non-violence.

Traditionally there were other barriers to membership in civil society as well. For example, many early Anabaptists refused to take civil vows because it was a violation of Jesus’s words to not take vows from Matthew 5. Given that many positions in civil society required the taking of vows, this alone made it practically impossible for Anabaptists to do anything but withdraw from civil society.

Though groups that really do exist as alternative societies outside of larger civil communities and cities are, in my opinion, the purest example of this approach, you can also see the influence of Radical Anabaptism in communities such as Rutba House in Raleigh-Durham NC or the Simple Way in Philadelphia, PA. These communities might be seen as missionary works growing out of the Radical Anabaptist tradition and stationed in places where it is easier to grow the community though perhaps also harder to maintain the self-sustainability and independence that marks these communities in more rural areas.

Reviewing the Four Post-Liberal Approaches

Though the four groups differ in some significant ways, they all condemn our current way of ordering society. They all categorically reject the idea that individuals possess internalized identities which they must discover through exploration, introspection, and experience and that society and the magistrate exist to protect and facilitate that process of self-realization.

Some reject it more completely than others—the Integralists and Radical Anabaptists basically have no room for accommodating individualism while the more traditionally Protestant responses have a bit more room. But all four see it as being a radically disordered way of understanding human individuals and communities and believe that the only viable response for Christians is some kind of fairly pervasive rejection of that approach.

Now we are going to talk about two other strategies, neither of which can be termed “post-liberal” in the (mostly political) way I’m using the term here. Though these groups remain Christian, they are hopeful that Christianity can be reconciled with the current order in some means or fashion, thereby allowing Christians to participate fully in the existing civil society.

Liberal Protestantism

One reminder: When I use “post-liberal” or “liberal” in this piece I am almost always referring to classical liberalism as defined above rather than left-wing politics or theological liberalism. So when I identify people who I see as “Liberal Protestants” in this thread, many of them are to the best of my knowledge entirely orthodox. To be sure, this group will include any number of people who are apostate or heretical, but one can be a Liberal Protestant in the way I mean here while also being entirely orthodox theologically.

The best sort of Liberal Protestant is going to be someone like Robert Joustra, Alissa Wilkinson, or Michael Wear.6 I also suspect that folks like Andy Crouch and Katelyn Beaty would end up here, even if they haven’t explicitly endorsed such a social order. These thinkers want to argue for a healthy pluralism that sees Christianity existing amongst a number of other religious and philosophical traditions, all of which exist as neighbors to one another and wish to promote a shared common good. For these thinkers, there are a few key points that cause them to both pull back a bit from the cliff that is post-liberalism and to want to preserve a liberal social order.

The first point is that they are unconvinced that liberalism as a social order is bad in ways that are somehow worse in nature than the disordered aspects of older social orders. Wilkinson’s response when I asked about this on Twitter was that it is meaningless to ask if one era is worse than another unless we ask “for whom” one order is worse than another. There is a deeply admirable instinct behind this question.

Indeed, it raises one of the most vexing questions for the Post-Liberal Protestants especially. Two of the places that have historically, in some limited way, most fully embraced Protestant Political Theology are the old American South and Apartheid-era South Africa. Indeed, Apartheid itself enjoyed its strongest support from Dutch Reformed Christians in South Africa and Abraham Kuyper in particular, that darling of the American Dutch Reformed, has some disturbing things to say about race issues, if also quite typical for his generation.

Any attempt the Post-Liberal Protestants make at social order has to recognize this fact and work to combat it in some form. One important note on this point is that the existence of this problem in both the American South and South Africa is almost certainly not a coincidence in officially Protestant social orders. Whereas the Integralists and the Radical Anabaptists locate the true community specifically within the institutional church, the Protestant social orders typically focus more around the idea of a “Christian Society” or “Christian Commonwealth.” In this case, cultural uniformity becomes more important because there is not a single trans-racial, trans-cultural institution at the center of the community.

So Post-Liberal Protestants need to think very carefully about this issue and have some kind of plan in place to make sure that “maintaining a coherent local culture,” which is a significant thing for any kind of thick community, does not slide into “establishing racist cultural norms and institutional practices,” as it so often has in other Protestant polities.

The other point that Liberal Protestants do well to make is that a liberal social order rightly recognizes that conscience should not be violated and does a very good job at preserving space for conscience and individual freedom. Though Joustra and Wilkinson make rather too much of this in their attempt to defend what I consider to be a fairly bankrupt “politics of recognition,” this aspect of the point is important to remember. Indeed, Integralism and Radical Anabaptism in particular would do well to recognize it as these orders seem uniquely prone to coercing conscience.

That said, the Liberal Protestant project seems, to me, destined to end in failure for all the reasons that Eliot and Lewis anticipated 75 years ago: Though the order might possess within itself resources to correct its worst excesses as Wilkinson and Joustra argue somewhat convincingly, I do not see how it possesses within itself resources to justify itself as an order in the first place. This is actually Eliot and Lewis’s chief concern, which is why I would like to see more BenOp critics engage with them rather than focusing so much on Rod and folks like Anthony Esolen, as much as I admire their books.

It is precisely because liberalism lacks such resources that our current liberal order is sliding toward something that actually does not protect conscience and does not respect individual freedom. As I have argued in the past, the sort of liberalism we have today must necessarily have an implicitly totalitarian mentality because of how it rejects nature and wishes to promote forms of individual identity which cannot exist without some kind of totalitarian state facilitating them. Indeed, I would argue that the brittleness of Liberal Protestantism is itself proven by the sheer number of apostates in their ranks: Thinkers like Rachel Held Evans, Tony Jones, Tony Campolo, and Nadia Bolz-Weber all belong to this regime and all deviate in significant ways from historic Christian orthodoxy.

This, then, is the irony of the Liberal Protestant project. It is, I think, the de facto norm most young evangelicals embrace. Certainly it seems to be the dominant view of many connected to our most visible institutions. Yet it is fundamentally unstable and self-defeating because it cannot justify its own existence.

Liberal Revanchism

The Liberal Revanchists are primarily the older, more confident take on Liberal Protestantism. Like the Liberal Protestants, they affirm liberalism as a social order. The primary difference is that whereas the Liberal Protestants affirm liberalism in a fairly pervasive way which drives them all the way to affirming things like identity politics, the Liberal Revanchists think that liberalism is actually foundationally Christian and so any attempt to uphold it must, in some sense, preserve some kind of unique, privileged place for Christianity or at least classical western thought. Thus the Liberal Revanchists may actually be the group most likely to engage in a kind of nostalgia for a lost American past that is seen as being more faithfully Christian then our republic is currently. This school will place a high emphasis on individual freedom but will also recognize the roots of that freedom in some kind of Christian or classical set of values and norms. Significantly, it will place a greater emphasis on individual freedom than on communal membership and so it is more likely to be both politically libertarian and socially progressive, as, indeed, American evangelicalism has often tended to be historically, especially prior to our relatively recent debates about sexual identity.

The old Religious Right belongs to this school, certainly, as does a number of prominent contemporary thinkers. Personally, I would place R. R. Reno in this school, though he has some Integralist tendencies as well. Mark Bauerlein and other prominent Trumpists also belong here. So too do people like the popular (and fraudulent) historian David Barton, who has managed to dream up a past in which America’s founders were predominantly orthodox Christians rather than various shades of rationalists, deists, and unitarians, as most of them in fact were. More positively, I think you can argue that my Sen. Ben Sasse, the first politician I’ve ever actually liked, probably belongs to this school. At minimum, he is trying to work within the existing political norms to promote the common good by emphasizing process and function over individual political issues.

Finally, a number of Catholics can accommodate this school while remaining Catholic in ways that they cannot if they embrace a more fully pluralistic solution, such as Liberal Protestantism. That is why this school has room for Catholics like John Courtney Murray, George Weigel, and Richard Neuhaus.

The strength of the Liberal Revanchists is two-fold: First, there is a fundamental hopefulness that they share with the Liberal Protestants that is admirable and should not be glibly tossed aside. Though their reads on American history differ significantly, both the Liberal Revanchists and Liberal Protestants see the American Project as being basically salvageable. Of the four Post-Liberal options, the only one that might be able to make the same move is Post-Liberal Protestantism but even that project probably has to dramatically reimagine American polity in some fairly basic, fundamental ways.

Second, the Liberal Revanchists have a confidence about them that is admirable and likely enables them to do much of what they have obviously accomplished. Part of the reason that the Liberal Revanchists are almost certainly the most visible school of the six I’ve described is this very confidence. They really believe that we can take back what we have lost and build within the existing social order.

The post-liberal movements we’ve discussed are still fairly embryonic, which is one reason they are less visible socially, but another reason is likely that the kind of radical critiques these orders make can be inspirational and they can be crushing, depending on the disposition of the leaders and the confidence of the other members. As far as mass movement appeal goes, the Liberal Revanchists are by far the most successful of the six groups. So while I find their project weighed down by the failures of Post-Liberal Protestantism but lacking its intellectual heft and potential, I cannot deny that as far as organization and mobilization are concerned, the Liberal Revanchists are extremely successful. Thus, even if the other schools have significant differences with the Liberal Revanchists and have some reason to look down their noses at them, the fact remains that this group has accomplished a great deal and so, if nothing else, we can learn a lot about mobilization and organization from their example.

Conclusion

It is highly probable that we will see major transformations in American social life within the lifetime of most millennials. There are many reasons for this: Political instability in Europe will create difficulties for the global order that props up the American economy. A resurgent Russia and booming China could add to the complexity still more. Domestically, there are quite clearly two Americas today and the rise of AI is going to further decimate one of those Americas, which will fuel the resentment that helped inaugurate Donald Trump. Add to this the fragmentation that is inevitable in a society that embraces expressive individualism and the fallout from climate change and you have a recipe for social revolution.

This, then, is why we cannot stop where Rod does in his project. Certainly everything Rod is talking about is significant. Churches need to rediscover catechesis. We need to develop thick, local Christian communities. And we need to think about how to preserve a healthy understanding of sex ethics in the midst of a world that is particularly insane when it comes to those questions. But attempting to do these works will necessarily lead us to other more foundational and theoretical questions about the nature of civil society.

Up to this point, I suspect the default tendency for most American evangelicals has been to embrace one of our two liberal strategies. Older evangelicals have likely veered toward Liberal Revanchism while the younger have embraced Liberal Protestantism. That said, the institutions that make these two strategies more plausible and normal-seeming are likely to fail or change dramatically in the years to come. We’ve seen hints of such changes already in the controversies surrounding religious liberty, safe spaces on university campuses, and so-called “hate speech.” While the shape of those controversies may change depending on what happens with the Supreme Court, the underlying cultural issues driving the controversies are not going to go away. If anything, they are likely to become even sharper in the near future.

For that reason, it will be increasingly important for western Christians to consider these kinds of questions. We live in volatile times. So it is important that we have plans not only for weathering whatever storms we may face, but also for beginning to build civil society again. Political theology cannot simply be a hobby for those who enjoy thinking about such things. That approach to the topic is a luxury for those who live in stable, sustainable polities. For all the reasons already mentioned, we do not. Whatever your approach to these questions of communal life, you need to understand the issue well and have a considered plan. This is the responsibility that those living in times of dramatic upheaval have to understand and embrace.

Apologies for posting another long read, but this really ties together a lot of different topics that have preoccupied me lately. I'd be interested to read where others place themselves on Meador's index.

I posted the above first because I think it'll be helpful in responding to OMM:

Smearing him as a Unitarian is way out of line. I viewed Unitarianism as an empty bail-out and more of a discussion club for people with no ability to commit to anything (i.e. no faith.) Saying Carter has no faith in anything is a cheap shot. It's hard for me to express how much it angers me to see how easy it is to wave away a man's life with a word. Time to take another IE vacation.

I'm a Catholic Integralist, Mike, so I strongly believe that liberalism is inherently incompatible with both orthodox Christianity and the maintenance of a just polity. In the article above, Carter smears the Catholic Church (and groups it with Islam!) as misogynistic simply because women cannot be ordained as priests, which is ridiculously simplistic. As Domina Nostra mentioned, he's clearly critiquing religion through the lens of his liberal politics, which is the exact opposite that confessing Christians are supposed to do.

I agree with your assessment of the UUC. It's basically a social club for atomized liberals who've realized that maybe the communitarian impulse points us toward something necessary for human flourishing. But Carter's broad brush condemnation of radically different theologies strikes me as just the sort of politically-motivated liberal groupthink that the UUC is infamous for.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Following on from my post above, here's a brief quiz that identifies your own political theology. My result should surprise no one:

C-1ppDaWAAEmcJa.jpg
 

wizards8507

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I got Radical Anabaptist, one of the key tenets of which is the rejection of private property rights. So I'm not sure that makes any sense.

But the quiz was hilarious.
 

Whiskeyjack

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I got Radical Anabaptist, one of the key tenets of which is the rejection of private property rights. So I'm not sure that makes any sense.

But the quiz was hilarious.

Not what I would have guessed for you, but Amish Wizards is a very amusing thing to contemplate.
 

zelezo vlk

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False. It's the only right answer.

85e.jpg

I figured my answers were off enough that I wouldn't get Integralist. I'm not mad, I just thought for a moment that the quiz was rigged.

I got Radical Anabaptist, one of the key tenets of which is the rejection of private property rights. So I'm not sure that makes any sense.

But the quiz was hilarious.

Pro tip: Do not go to Münster.
 
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