Politics

Politics

  • Obama

    Votes: 4 1.1%
  • Romney

    Votes: 172 48.9%
  • Other

    Votes: 46 13.1%
  • a:3:{i:1637;a:5:{s:12:"polloptionid";i:1637;s:6:"nodeid";s:7:"2882145";s:5:"title";s:5:"Obama";s:5:"

    Votes: 130 36.9%

  • Total voters
    352

Polish Leppy 22

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Has anyone but a sitting President (or sitting vice president) in the last 30-50 years ran on a platform that didn't include change?

Also as usual you are making it a binary (great or horrible) when the truth is that it fall somewhere in between. More like 7-5 (or 8-4 if we are being optimistic). Somethings are better, and some things not so much, but that could be said about almost every presidency.

Fair enough
 

pkt77242

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$800 billion. And what happened? I'm not talented enough to post graphs here, but unemployment was at its peak between June 2009 and March 2010 lol. That's what the Bureau of Labor Statistics tells me. Weird huh?

Unemployment is a lagging indicator, not a leading indicator. Most companies when the economy starts to pick up will give extra hours to current employees before hiring. Only once they are sure that the economy is really improving and that it business won't be going back down do they usually start hiring in large amounts.
 

IrishJayhawk

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$800 billion. And what happened? I'm not talented enough to post graphs here, but unemployment was at its peak between June 2009 and March 2010 lol. That's what the Bureau of Labor Statistics tells me. Weird huh?

Well, it didn't all roll out at once. About 30% of it were tax cuts. And it wasn't ever going to be an immediate fix. Who suggested that it would be? He was wrong that it would help us avoid a 10% unemployment. But every economist had also underestimated just how deep the recession was. All of the GDP figures were revised down by quite a bit after the fact.
 

Polish Leppy 22

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Unemployment is a lagging indicator, not a leading indicator. Most companies when the economy starts to pick up will give extra hours to current employees before hiring. Only once they are sure that the economy is really improving and that it business won't be going back down do they usually start hiring in large amounts.

Sounds like a lot of opinion to me, but OK...
 

woolybug25

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Pot, meet kettle...

Last I checked, I had a bunch of people (like every day) take unsolicited swipes at me today. Hell, look at any exchange between me and Acamp, Rack em, Conner, etc. I usually positively rep them, as I have a sense of humor and thick enough skin to Jab back and forth. To each their own, I suppose.

Try pulling the stick out of your ass every once in a while, young gun.
 

Polish Leppy 22

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Last I checked, I had a bunch of people (like every day) take unsolicited swipes at me today. Hell, look at any exchange between me and Acamp, Rack em, Conner, etc. I usually positively rep them, as I have a sense of humor and thick enough skin to Jab back and forth. To each their own, I suppose.

Try pulling the stick out of your ass every once in a while, young gun.

I didn't neg rep you because of thin skin or lack of humor. It was just a bad 20 year old joke, old timer, in response to a question you didn't answer. All good. Water under the bridge.
 

woolybug25

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I didn't neg rep you because of thin skin or lack of humor. It was just a bad 20 year old joke, old timer, in response to a question you didn't answer. All good. Water under the bridge.

Yeah, sounds like your over it. Don't be disingenuous, if you beg repped every joke you deemed bad, you would be neg repping all day. You were offended, then got butt hurt. You're thin skinned, don't be a liar too.
 

pkt77242

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Could just as easily do a Google search and find one or more who disagrees.

So I take it that you haven't taken any economic classes, right? Unemployment rate is a lagging indicator. There is no question about it.


Lagging indicators include such things as the unemployment rate, business spending for new plants and equipment, and the value of manufacturing and trade inventories.

Lagging Indicators
 

Rhode Irish

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Who do you think you'll vote for in the presidential election? I'm asking because I honestly think Romney doesn't have a rat's chance in hell of winning. I'm going to attach a poll (hopefully I can make it private, so names aren't posted) So we don't have to get into a big political debate unless you like talking politics?

Please vote in the poll even if you don't care to comment....I'm curious to see your opinion.

Thanks, BobD

I like how the OP says he is putting in a poll "so we don't have to get into a big political debate..."

19,000 posts later....

BobD, have you met this board?
 

Whiskeyjack

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The Telegraph's Stephen Adams published* an article titled "Killing babies no different from abortion, experts say":

The article, published in the Journal of Medical Ethics, says newborn babies are not “actual persons” and do not have a “moral right to life”. The academics also argue that parents should be able to have their baby killed if it turns out to be disabled when it is born.

The journal’s editor, Prof Julian Savulescu, director of the Oxford Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics, said the article's authors had received death threats since publishing the article. He said those who made abusive and threatening posts about the study were “fanatics opposed to the very values of a liberal society”.

The article, entitled “After-birth abortion: Why should the baby live?”, was written by two of Prof Savulescu’s former associates, Alberto Giubilini and Francesca Minerva.

They argued: “The moral status of an infant is equivalent to that of a fetus in the sense that both lack those properties that justify the attribution of a right to life to an individual.”

Rather than being “actual persons”, newborns were “potential persons”. They explained: “Both a fetus and a newborn certainly are human beings and potential persons, but neither is a ‘person’ in the sense of ‘subject of a moral right to life’.

Slopes are slippery.

*Published 2/29/12
 
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NorthDakota

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God help us.

I've discussed this with people before. A child up until he/she is several years old is pretty much useless. If you support abortion, you should have no problem with the slaughter of children up to probably 3-4 years old.

Or.....we can be compassionate creatures and protect our unborn and newly born regardless of problems they may have or personal convenience.
 

IrishLax

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God help us.

The far left... making someone with a dick use a male bathroom is a crime against humanity, but literally killing babies is morally acceptable. Seems legit.

Honestly, fuck these people. There's a center-left position on most issues that totally makes sense... and then by association, it gets lumped in with Tumblr feminists, literal baby killers, et. al. who I cannot stand. They are some of the most evil people in existence right now, and somehow they've been able to cleverly co-opt the position of the "good guys". Bunch of fucking Sarumans.
 

NDgradstudent

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The Telegraph's Stephen Adams published* an article titled "Killing babies no different from abortion, experts say"

Michael Tooley wrote a famous article about this topic in 1972. The argument is correct, in my view: there are no morally relevant differences between fetuses and infants. Therefore, if abortion is morally permissible, so is infanticide. I think most other pro-life people would agree with me about this. Pro-choice people typically want to deny this, of course, but for political rather than philosophical reasons.

In public debate on abortion lots of time is spent asking "tough questions" of pro-lifers (e.g. criminal punishment for abortion, the 'hard cases,' etc.) but virtually never subject the pro-choice view to comparable scrutiny.
 

Whiskeyjack

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I stumbled across something called the Thrive/ Survive Theory of the Political Spectrum today:

I admitted in my last post on Reaction that I devoted insufficient space to the question of why society does seem to be drifting gradually leftward. And I now realize that in order to critique the Reactionary worldview effectively we’re going to have to go there.

The easiest answer would be “because we retroactively define leftism as the direction that society went”. But this is not true. Communism is very leftist, but society eventually decided not to go that way. It seems fair to say that there are certain areas where society did not go to the left, like in the growth of free trade and the gradual lowering of tax rates, but upon realizing this we don’t feel the slightest urge to redefine “low tax rates” as leftist.

So what is leftism? For that matter, what is rightism?

Any theory of these two ideas would have to explain at least the following data points:

1) Why do both ideologies combine seemingly unrelated political ideas? For example, why do people who want laissez-faire free trade empirically also prefer a strong military and oppose gay marriage? Why do people who want to help the environment also support feminism and dislike school vouchers?

2) Why do the two ideologies seem broadly stable across different times and cultures, such that it’s relatively easy to point out the Tories as further right than the Whigs, or ancient Athens as further left than ancient Sparta? For that matter, why do they seem to correspond to certain neural patterns in the brain, such that neurologists can determine your political beliefs with 83% accuracy by examining brain structure alone?

3) Why do these basically political ideas correlate so well with moral, aesthetic, and religious preferences?

4) The original question: how come, given enough time and left to itself, leftism seems to usually win out over rightism, pushing the Overton window a bit forward until there’s a new leftism and rightism?

I have a hypothesis that explains most of this, but first let me go through some proposed alternatives.

The Reactionaries have at least two theories. Moldbug suggests that rightism is common sense, and leftism is Christianity minus the religious trappings and rightism is rational thought. Another of his posts suggests that leftism is naked power-grabbing and rightism is virtuous pro-social behavior.

But the first of these fails to explain point 1; how come most traditionally Christian ideas end up on the right side of the aisle? It fails to explain 2 – how come we can call Sparta rightist even in the pre-Christian age? It might explain 3. But it definitely fails point 4; even if it were true, why would this weird neo-Christian sect suddenly take off just as all other Christian sects are hemorrhaging believers? As for the second, it explains point 4 and point 4 only, and seems, well, maybe a little completely obviously self-serving?

The Libertarians say that leftism supports government intervention on economic but not social issues, and rightism supports government intervention on social but not economic issues. Unfortunately, this isn’t really true. Leftists support government intervention in society in the form of gun control, hate speech laws, funding for the arts, and sex ed in schools. In fact, leftists are sometimes even accused of being in favor of “social engineering”. Meanwhile, conservatives lead things like the home schooling and school choice movements, which seem to be about less government regulation of society. Having gotten Point 1 not quite right, this theory then goes on to completely ignore points 2, 3, and 4.

The scientists studying neuropolitics in that article I linked to say things like “Liberals tend to seek out novelty and uncertainty, while conservatives exhibit strong changes in attitude to threatening situations. The former are more willing to accept risk, while the latter tends to have more intense physical reactions to threatening stimuli.” But this seems flawed. Leftists have an intense physical reaction to the threatening situation of global warming. Rightists seek out the novelty and accept the risk of a foreign war that might increase America’s global power at minimal cost but might waste hundreds of thousands of lives to no end. Another failure of 1, I’ll give it 2 or 3, and once again no love for point 4.

Okay, I’ll put you out of your misery and tell you my hypothesis now. My hypothesis is that rightism is what happens when you’re optimizing for surviving an unsafe environment, leftism is what happens when you’re optimized for thriving in a safe environment.

The Dead Have Risen, And They’re Voting Republican

Before I explain, a story. Last night at a dinner party we discussed Dungeons and Dragons orientations. One guest declared that he thought Lawful Good was a contradiction in terms, very nearly at the same moment as a second guest declared that he thought Chaotic Good was a contradiction in terms. What’s up?

I think the first guest was expressing a basically leftist world view. It is a fact of nature that society will always be orderly, the economy always expanding. Crime will be a vague rumor but generally under control. All that the marginal unit of extra law enforcement adds to this pleasant state is cops beating up random black people, or throwing a teenager in jail because she wanted to try marijuana.

The second guest was expressing a basically rightist world view. The prosperous, orderly society we know and love is hanging by a frickin’ thread. At any moment, terrorists or criminals or just poor management could destroy everything. It is really really good that we have police in order to be the “thin blue line” between civilization and chaos, and we might sleep easier in our beds at night if that blue line were a little thicker and we had a little more buffer room.

I propose that the best way for leftists to get themselves in a rightist frame of mind is to imagine there is a zombie apocalypse tomorrow. It is a very big zombie apocalypse and it doesn’t look like it’s going to be one of those ones where a plucky band just has to keep themselves alive until the cavalry ride in and restore order. This is going to be one of your long-term zombie apocalypses. What are you going to want?

First and most important, guns. Lots and lots of guns.

Second, you’re going to have a deep and abiding affection for the military and the police. You’re going to hope that the government has given them a lot of funding over the past few years.

Third, you’re going to start praying. Really hard. If someone looks like they’re doing something that might offend God, you’re going to very vehemently ask them to stop. However few or many atheists there may be in foxholes, there are probably fewer when those foxholes are surrounded by zombies. Or, as Karl Marx famously said of zombie uprisings, “Who cares if it’s an opiate? / It’s time to pray!”

Fourth, you’re going to be extremely suspicious of outsiders. It’s not just that they could be infected. There are probably going to be all sorts of desperate people around, looking to steal your supplies, your guns, your ammo. You trust your friends, you trust your neighbors, and if someone who looks different than you and seems a bit shifty comes up to you, you turn them away or just kill them before they kill you.

Fifth, you’re going to want hierarchy and conformity. When the leader says run, everyone runs. If someone is constantly slowing the group down, questioning the group, causing trouble, causing dissent, they’re a troublemaker and they can either shut up or take their chances on their own. There’s a reason all modern militaries work on a hierarchical system that tries to maximize group coherence.

Sixth, you are not going to be sentimental. If someone gets bitten by the zombies, they get shot. Doesn’t matter if it’s really sad, doesn’t matter if it wasn’t their own fault. If someone breaks the rules and steals supplies for themselves, they get punished. If someone refuses to pull their weight, they get left behind. Harsh? Yes. But there’s no room for people who don’t contribute in a sleek urban postapocalyptic zombie-fighting machine.

Seventh, you want to maximize wealth. Whatever gets you the supplies you need, you’re going to do. If that means forcing people to work jobs they don’t like, that’s the sacrifice they’ve got to make. If your raid on a grocery store leaves less behind for everyone else, well, that’s too bad but you need the food. Are woodland animals going to go extinct as more and more survivors retreat to the woods and rely on them for food? That’s not the kind of thing you’re worried about when you’re half-starved and only a few hours ahead of the zombie horde.

Eighth, strong purity/contamination ethics. We know that purity/contamination ethics are an evolutionary defense against sickness: disgusting things like urine, feces, dirt, blood, insects, and rotting corpses are all vectors of infection; creepy animals like spiders, snakes, and centipedes are all vectors for poisoning. Maybe right now you don’t worry too much about this. But in a world where the hospitals are all overrun by zombies and you need to outrun a ravenous horde at a moment’s notice, this becomes a much bigger deal. Not to mention that anything you catch might be the dreaded Zombie Virus.

Ninth, an emphasis on practical skills rather than book learning. That eggheaded Professor of Critical Studies? Can’t use a gun, isn’t studying a subject you can use to invent bigger guns, not a useful ally. Probably would just get in the way. Big masculine men who can build shelters and fight with weapons are useful. So are fertile women who can help breed the next generation of humans. Anyone else is just another mouth to feed.

Tenth, extreme black and white thinking. It’s not useful to wonder whether or not the zombies are only fulfilling a biological drive and suffer terribly when you kill them despite not being morally in the wrong. It’s useful to believe they’re the hellish undead and it’s your sacred duty to fight them by any means necessary.

In other words, “take actions that would be beneficial to survival in case of a zombie apocalypse” seems to get us rightist positions on a lot of issues. We can generalize from zombie apocalypses to any desperate conditions in which you’re not sure that you’re going to make it and need to succeed at any cost.

What about the opposite? Let’s imagine a future utopia of infinite technology. Robotic factories produce far more wealth than anyone could possibly need. The laws of Nature have been altered to make crime and violence physically impossible (although this technology occasionally suffers glitches). Infinitely loving nurture-bots take over any portions of child-rearing that the parents find boring. And all traumatic events can be wiped from people’s minds, restoring them to a state of bliss. Even death itself has disappeared. What policies are useful for this happy state?

First of all, we probably shouldn’t have a police force. Given that crime is impossible, at best they would be useless and at worst they might go around flexing their authority and causing trouble.

Second, religion seems kind of superfluous. Throughout history, richer civilizations have been less religious and our post-scarcity society should be no exception. What would you pray for? What fear is there for faith to allay? With vast supercomputers that know all things, what lingering questions are there for the Bible to answer?

Third, assuming people still have jobs or something, we should probably make them as nice as possible. It doesn’t matter if it hurts productivity; we’re producing far more than we need anyway. We should enforce short work hours and ample maternity and paternity leave so that everyone has time to concentrate on the more important things in life.

Fourth, interest in the environment. We have no shortage of material goods; if our lives lack anything it is beauty and connection to nature. So it will be nice to have as many pleasant green spaces as possible; and if this means a little less oil, it’s not like our Oil-Making-Machines can’t make up the extra.

Fifth, free love. There’s no worries about STDs, the family unit isn’t necessary for any kind of economic survival, and the nurture-bots and trauma-erasure-centers can take care of the kids of anything goes wrong. And since we don’t have anything else to do, we might as well enjoy ourselves with infinite sex.

I was going to go for ten here too, but you get the picture. This world of infinite abundance is a great match for leftist values. I imagine even a lot of rightists and Reactionaries would be happy enough with leftism in a situation like this.

I should also mention what would no doubt be the main pastime of the people of this latter world: signaling.

When people are no longer constrained by reality, they spend most of their energy in signaling games. This is why rich people build ever-bigger yachts and fret over the parties they throw and who got invited where. It’s why heirs and heiresses so often become patrons of the art, or donors to major charities. Once you’ve got enough money, the next thing you need is status, and signaling is the way to get it.

So the people of this final utopia will be obsessed with looking good. They will become moralists, and try to prove themselves more virtuous than their neighbors. Their sophistication will gradually increase as each tries to establish themselves as a critic, as tasteful, as a member of an aristocracy that can no longer be defined in terms of money. They will become conniving, figuring out ways to raise their own social status at their neighbors’ expense. Or they will devolve into a host of competing subcultures, united only by their pride in their defiance of a “norm” which is quickly ceasing to exist.

Chris wrote this comment to my last post’s section on Reactionary aesthetics:

The things Reactionaries complain about in aesthetics seem not the fault of progressives, but the result of an unavoidable signaling logic. See Quentin Bell on what he called “conspicuous outrage.”

I agree with Chris 100% here, but I don’t think this is opposed to the Reactionaries’ link between this aesthetic and leftism. I think that leftists are the sort of people who are so secure that they can start thinking about how to excel at signaling games.

An Evaluation of the Thrive/Survive Theory

This is close to an explanation of our Point 1. It does not quite explain all left vs. right positions (in particular I despair of any theory that will tell me why school choice is a rightist rather than a leftist issue) but it does as well as any of the others, and better than some.

This also satisfies Point 2. The distinction between security and insecurity is far older than Classical Greece; it is perfectly reasonable for Athenian society to start from the assumption of the one and the Spartans to go with the other.

I admit some confusions. For example, it seems weird that poor people, the people who are actually desperate and insecure, are often leftist, whereas rich people, the ones who are actually completely safe, are often rightist. I would have to appeal to economic self-interest here: the poor are leftist because leftism is the philosophy that says to throw lots of resources at helping the poor, and the rich are rightist because rightism says to let the rich keep getting richer. Despite voting records, I expect the poor to share more rightist social values (eg be more religious, more racist) and the rich to to share more leftist social values (more intellectual as opposed to practical, less obsessed with guns). For a more comprehensive theory of economic self-interest and politics, see my essay on the subject.

This theory also satisfies Point 3. Developmental psychology has gradually been moving towards a paradigm where our biology actively seeks out information about our environment and then toggles between different modes based on what it finds. Probably the most talked-about example of this paradigm is the thrifty phenotype idea, devised to explain the observation that children starved in the womb will grow up to become obese. The idea is that some system notices that there seems to be very little food, and goes into “desperately conserve food” mode, which when food becomes more plentiful leads to obesity.

Another example, more clearly neurological, is the tendency of children who grow up in broken homes to have poor life outcomes. Although this was originally just interpreted as “damage”, an equally valid theory is that the brain seeks out information on what kind of society it lives in – one based on love and trust, or one based on violence and mistrust – and then activates the appropriate coping strategy. If child abuse or something makes the brain conclude we live in a violence and mistrust society, it alters its neural architecture to be violent and mistrustful – and hence dooms itself to future bad outcomes.

It seems broadly plausible that there could be one of these switches for something like “social stability”. If the brain finds itself in a stable environment where everything is abundant, it sort of lowers the mental threat level and concludes that everything will always be okay and its job is to enjoy itself and win signaling games. If it finds itself in an environment of scarcity, it will raise the mental threat level and set its job to “survive at any cost”.

What would toggle this switch? My guess is that genetics plays a very large role in setting the threshold (explaining why party affiliation is highly heritable) and that a lot of the remainder is implicit messages we get in childhood from our parents, school, church, et cetera. Actual rational argument and post-childhood life experiences make up the last few percent of variation.

Knowing this, the answer to Point 4 is blindingly obvious. Leftism wins over time because technology advances over time which means societies become more secure and abundant over time.

As a decent natural experiment, take the Fall of Rome. Both Greece and Rome were relatively leftist, with freedom of religion, democratic-republican governments, weak gender norms, minimal family values, and a high emphasis on education and abstract ideas. After the Fall of Rome, when Europe was set back technologically into a Dark Age, rightism returned with a vengeance. People became incredibly religious, militant, pragmatic, and provincial, and the government switched to an ad hoc and extremely hierarchical feudalism. This era of conservativism ended only when society reached the same level of technology and organization as the Greeks and Romans. So it’s not that cultures become more leftist over time, it’s that leftism varies with social and economic security.

Both rightists and leftists will find much to like in this idea. The rightists will ask: “So you mean that rightism is optimized for survival and effectiveness, and leftism is optimized for hedonism and signaling games?” And I will mostly endorse this conclusion.

On the other hand, the leftists will ask: “So you mean rightism is optimized for tiny unstable bands facing a hostile wilderness, and leftism is optimized for secure, technologically advanced societies like the ones we are actually in?” And this conclusion, too, I will mostly endorse.

Given that we are in conditions that seem to favor leftist ideals, the modern debate between leftists and rightists is, to mix metaphors atrociously, about how hard we can milk the goose that lays the golden eggs. Leftists think we can just keep drawing more and more happiness and utility for all out of our massive scientific and technological progress. Rightists are holding their breath for something to go terribly, terribly wrong and require the crisis-values they have safeguarded all this time – which is why posts like this one seem to be the purest expression of rightist wish-fulfillment fantasy.

I will only remark that one of the most consistent findings of my researches through economic and political history has been the remarkable, almost supernatural resilience of our particular aureate waterfowl. To a leftist, this is good news. To a rightist, I suppose this would just be evidence of how shockingly audacious we must be to try to push our luck even further.
 

Whiskeyjack

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">The US fertility rate has fallen to match the record low<br>(WSJ story on the new stats: <a href="https://t.co/lcfOUaUqp1">https://t.co/lcfOUaUqp1</a>) <a href="https://t.co/RVUQ92nlYC">pic.twitter.com/RVUQ92nlYC</a></p>— Josh Zumbrun (@JoshZumbrun) <a href="https://twitter.com/JoshZumbrun/status/738387245850230785">June 2, 2016</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
 

wizards8507

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">For those who missed it, Dick Morris is now the chief political commentator for the National Enquirer, making them even less credible.</p>— Ben Shapiro (@benshapiro) <a href="https://twitter.com/benshapiro/status/738756817354772480">June 3, 2016</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

Loldickmorris.
 

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Democracy Is So 2005:
Middle classes around the world seem weary of free politics and are open to strongmen like Trump.
(Bloomberg)

As Donald Trump has swept through the primaries toward the Republican nomination, his blowtorch style has led some commentators to call him a modern version of Benito Mussolini who’s bringing dangerous 1930s-style politics to America. In reality, Trump’s rise doesn’t signal a return of fascism, and his political style doesn’t parallel that of Mussolini. Instead, Trump is part of a modern-day democratic retreat that’s been going on for a decade in the developing world and which is making its way to America and Western Europe. The environment that’s made Trump’s rise possible has more in common with Thailand in 2000 and Turkey in 2010 than Italy—or Germany—in 1933, and Trump’s political approach is closer to those of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Russian President Vladimir Putin, former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, or former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

From the early 1970s, when much of southern Europe democratized, to the mid-2000s, democracy seemed to be sweeping the globe. From 1990 to 2005, electoral democracies worldwide expanded by almost 50 percent. Yet according to Freedom House, a nonprofit that monitors the state of democracy, the number of countries with declining freedoms grew in 2015 for the 10th year in a row, the longest streak of democratic regression in five decades. What’s more, in its annual report Freedom House noted that in 2015 “the number of countries showing an [annual] decline in freedom was the largest since the 10-year slide began.”

In many countries democracy is failing because the current generation of leaders has proven to be elected autocrats. Unlike in the 1920s or 1930s, when fascist governments such as Franco’s Spanish and Mussolini’s Italian regimes came to power by essentially overthrowing establishments through force or bullying to dominate a single election, today’s elected autocrats understand that holding regular votes is critical to one’s domestic and international legitimacy, even if those votes aren’t totally free. After the elections, leaders like Bolivia’s Evo Morales, Erdogan, Thaksin, or Malaysian Prime Minister Najib tun Razak show little respect for any institutions—an impartial judiciary, a free media, constitutional limits on power, a vibrant private sector—other than the ballot.
 
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Whiskeyjack

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Whether it succeeds or fails, Trump's campaign is going to have far-reaching effects on the trajectory of American politics. So here are two articles that discuss where that trajectory is likely to take us. The first is a blog post by Tyler Cowen titled "What is neo-reaction?":

Or perhaps I should rephrase that question: what would neo-reaction be if it were presented in a more coherent analytic framework? (You’ll find other takes here; I like it better with the hyphen.) Here is a list of propositions, noting that these are an intellectualized summary of a somewhat imagined collective doctrine, and certainly not a statement of my own views:

1. “Culturism” is in general correct, namely that some cultures are better than others. You want to make sure you are ruled by one of the better cultures. In any case, one is operating with a matrix of rule.

2. The historical ruling cultures for America and Western Europe — two very successful regions — have largely consisted of white men and have reflected the perspectives of white men. This rule and influence continues to work, however, because it is not based on either whiteness or maleness per se. There is a nominal openness to the current version of the system, which fosters competitive balance, yet at the end of the day it is still mostly about the perspectives of white men and one hopes this will continue. By the way, groups which “become white” in their outlooks can be allowed into the ruling circle.

3. Today there is a growing coalition against the power and influence of (some) white men, designed in part to lower their status and also to redistribute their wealth. This movement may not be directed against whiteness or maleness per se (in fact some of it can be interpreted as an internal coup d’etat within the world of white men), but still it is based on a kind of puking on what made the West successful. And part and parcel of this process is an ongoing increase in immigration to further build up and cement in the new coalition. Furthermore a cult of political correctness makes it very difficult to defend the nature of the old coalition without fear of being called racist; in today’s world the actual underlying principles of that coalition cannot be articulated too explicitly. Most of all, if this war against the previous ruling coalition is not stopped, it will do us in.

4. It is necessary to deconstruct and break down the current dialogue on these issues, and to defeat the cult of political correctness, so that a) traditional rule can be restored, and/or b) a new and more successful form of that rule can be introduced and extended. Along the way, we must realize that calls for egalitarianism, or for that matter democracy, are typically a power play of one potential ruling coalition against another.

5. Neo-reaction is not in love with Christianity in the abstract, and in fact it fears its radical, redistributive, and egalitarian elements. Neo-reaction is often Darwinian at heart. Nonetheless Christianity-as-we-find-it-in-the-world often has been an important part of traditional ruling coalitions, and thus the thinkers of neo-reaction are often suspicious of the move toward a more secular America, which they view as a kind of phony tolerance.

6. If you are analyzing political discourse, ask the simple question: is this person puking on the West, the history of the West, and those groups — productive white males — who did so much to make the West successful? The answer to that question is very often more important than anything else which might be said about the contributions under consideration.

Already I can see (at least) four problems with this point of view. First, white men in percentage terms have become a weaker influence in America over time, yet America still is becoming a better nation overall. Second, some of America’s worst traits, such as the obsession with guns, the excess militarism, or the tendency toward drunkenness, not to mention rape and the history of slavery, seem to come largely from white men. Third, it seems highly unlikely that “white men” is in fact the best way of disambiguating the dominant interest groups that have helped make the West so successful. Fourth, America is global policeman and also the center of world innovation, so it cannot afford the luxury of a declining population, and thus we must find a way to make immigration work.

By the way, here is Ross Douthat on neo-reaction:

But while reactionary thought is prone to real wickedness, it also contains real insights. (As, for the record, does Slavoj Zizek — I think.) Reactionary assumptions about human nature — the intractability of tribe and culture, the fragility of order, the evils that come in with capital-P Progress, the inevitable return of hierarchy, the ease of intellectual and aesthetic decline, the poverty of modern substitutes for family and patria and religion — are not always vindicated. But sometimes? Yes, sometimes. Often? Maybe even often.

Anyway, let’s continue.

Who are the important neo-reaction thinkers?

Those who come immediately to mind are Aristotle, Hobbes, Montesquieu, Jonathan Swift, Benjamin Franklin, John Calhoun, James Fitzjames Stephens, Nietzsche, Carl Schmitt, Martin Heidegger, and Lee Kuan Yew. For all of the fulminations against neo-reaction, the intellectual movement is not a flash in the pan. Of course these thinkers were not operating in the cultural matrix laid out above, nonetheless they embody varying elements of elitism, non-egalitarianism, historical pessimism, and culturalism. The most significant neo-reaction thinker today probably is Steve Sailer, who often comments on this blog in addition to writing his own. By the way, both F.A. Hayek and Murray Rothbard were drawn to neo-reaction in their later years, and perhaps a separate post could be written on the complex connections between libertarianism and neo-reaction.

The miracle to my mind is that neo-reaction as an intellectual movement was relatively dormant for so long, not that it is coming back or will persist.

And maybe some of you are upset that I am even covering this topic, but neo-reaction, in varying forms, is a (the?) significant ideology in China, India, Russia, and Japan, and it is growing in popularity in Western Europe and of course America, where it has captured the presidential nomination of one of the two major parties. It seems odd not to discuss it at all.

Is neo-reaction a racist movement?

I don’t “hang out” with neo-reaction, whatever that might mean, so I cannot speak from first-hand experience. Still, I see overwhelming circumstantial evidence, including from the MR comments section, that the answer is yes, neo-reaction is very often racist. (And by “racist” I mean not only a particular set of beliefs, but how they are held with a kind of obnoxious, self-pleased glee.) If you read through the above propositions, it is easy enough to see why racists might find neo-reaction a congenial home. And that is an important critique of neo-reaction, namely that the doctrine, when stated explicitly or understood clearly enough, encourages a very harmful racism and a variety of other forms of bad behavior. Even if not every neo-reaction thinker is a racist himself or herself.

The early stages of the Trump campaign show clearly enough how publicly propagated neo-reaction disturbs the fabric and rhetoric of society. And there is a cruelness to the humor one finds in neo-reaction which is all too revealing; more generally neo-reaction just does not seem so conducive to a deep generosity of spirit.

That all said, I think it is a category mistake to dismiss neo-reaction on the grounds of racism or prejudice. There exists a coherent form of the doctrine perfectly consistent with the view that different races are intrinsically equal in both capabilities and moral worth, even if such a variant tends to get pushed out by the less salubrious elements. Furthermore calling neo-reaction racist, as a primary response, seems to personalize the debate in a Trump-like way, ultimately playing into the strengths of neo-reaction and distracting the liberals, in the broad sense of that term, from building up the most appealing vision of their philosophy and doctrine.

Liberalism isn’t actually an automatic emotional default for most people on this planet, so being a scold is in the longer run a losing strategy. I believe many current “democratic mainstream” thinkers genuinely do not understand how boring and unconvincing they are, as they live in bubbles filled with others of a similar bent. And while neo-reaction does not get exactly right the nature of “the golden goose” in modern America, that is a question which modern progressivism rather aggressively avoids in its attempt to view the wealthy as an essentially inexhaustible ATM.

What about me?

As an undergraduate, I was deeply struck by my readings of the Spanish and Salamancan friars who protested against the New World enslavement of the Indians, as they were then called. You can start with Bartolomé de las Casas. Here was a doctrine that was anti-slavery, anti-oppression, pro-reason, pro-liberty, pro-individual rights, and analytically egalitarian, and on top of that based on actual real world experience with the subject matter. On top of that, the overwhelming empirical fact is that people are far too willing to go tribal when it comes to politics. We don’t need to encourage that any further, nor am I excited by the notion of setting tribe against tribe.

The world could be facing some fairly dicey times in the decades to come, mostly for geopolitical reasons. I view the Spanish friars and their successors and offshoots — Montaigne, David Hume, Adam Smith, William Wilburforce, John Stuart Mill, Edmund Silberner, Martin Luther King Jr., Gene Sharpe, Thomas Schelling, and some of the EU founders, among many others — as providing better and more useful guides to our world than neo-reaction. Looking earlier, toss in Buddha and Jesus Christ and some of the Stoics as well.

Still, it would be a big mistake to simply dismiss neo-reaction, even though there are some rather easy and facile ways to do so. It’s a wake-up call for the fragility of liberalism, a doctrine which sinks all too readily into its own dogmatic slumbers.

The second, by Reihan Salam, is titled "Never Trump v. Trump Forever":

One by one, the #NeverTrump dominoes are falling. Having denounced Donald Trump in the harshest possible terms on the campaign trail, Marco Rubio now tells us he will release his delegates to Trump and that he will cheer him on in his race against Hillary Clinton. Paul Ryan, the speaker of the House and conservative darling, has made his distaste for Trump plain. For weeks after it became clear that Trump would be the Republican presidential nominee, Ryan maintained that he wasn’t ready to pledge his support. But now, in an op-ed in his hometown paper, Ryan says he will indeed be voting for Trump this fall. Why now? Ryan explains that he’s had long conversations with Trump about the policy agenda he intends to introduce in the House, and he’s concluded that as president, Trump “would help us turn the ideas in this agenda into laws to help improve people’s lives.” In other words, Ryan wants us to believe that he’s not the one who has caved—that rather, it’s Trump who’s had to get on board with the Ryan agenda. We’ll see if Trump feels the same way.

It’s easy to condemn erstwhile anti-Trumpers for clamoring to find a seat on the “Trump train,” with its buttery leather seats and gold lamé interiors. But let’s acknowledge that ambitious Republicans are in a tough spot. If you’re older and on your way out of elected office, you can condemn Trump all you want and ride off into the sunset with your dignity intact. If you’re not ready to call it quits, however, there are a ton of questions for which you have no good answers.

Say you’re a young-ish Reaganite, and you dream of winning the White House some day. For years, you’ve devoted your public life to passing the ever-more-exacting ideological purity tests that have defined the conservative movement in recent years. And now you’re utterly confused. You know that Trump’s rise has upended all kinds of assumptions about what Republican primary voters actually care about. But that doesn’t tell you what you can safely assume going forward. Could it be that yesterday’s conservative orthodoxies are now completely irrelevant? Is there no longer any need to kowtow to Wall Street megadonors? Does opposing mass immigration now count for more than opposing same-sex marriage? Would it be a shrewd move to stop calling for entitlement reform and to start calling for minimum wage hikes? And what if Trump goes down to a humiliating defeat—does that mean old-fashioned movement conservatism will come back with a vengeance? No one knows, so it’s hardly surprising that a lot of right-wingers are hedging their bets.

If Tom Cotton decides to run for the Republican nomination in 2020, one can imagine him inheriting a decent-sized chunk of the Trump vote.
Not everyone is hedging, to be sure. Some GOP politicians are gambling on a particular vision of the conservative future. Take Ben Sasse, the junior senator from Nebraska, who has emerged as a hero to anti-Trump Republicans. What’s interesting about Sasse is that the dictates of party loyalty don’t seem to bind him all that much. In an open letter he shared via Facebook last month, Sasse offered a surprisingly tart condemnation of America’s two-party system. Though he offered a perfunctory pledge of allegiance to the party of Lincoln, Sasse also predicted that the Democratic and Republican parties were not long for this world: “It might not happen fully in 2016—and I’ll continue fighting to revive the GOP with ideas—but when people’s needs aren’t being met, they ultimately find other solutions.”

Let’s leave aside the many obstacles standing in the way of transitioning from our two-party duopoly to a multiparty system (a transition I’d support, for the record). What might that multiparty system look like? Picture a social-democratic party that takes its cues from Bernie Sanders, a Clintonian socially liberal party, a nationalist-populist party à la Trump, and a Sasse-esque party for mainstream conservatives. In our multiparty future, the Sasseservatives would be running against the Trumpistas. Sometimes they’d join together in coalition. But sometimes the Sasseservatives would join forces with the Clintonites or maybe even the Sandersites. If you believe this sort of political landscape might exist sooner rather than later—if you think the whole rotting edifice of two-party politics is about to fall apart—you might as well start blasting away now. And if Sasse is wrong and the future of the right belongs to Trump, well, there’s no shame in having fought the good fight.

But what if you believe that the two-party system is here to stay and that Trump’s voters aren’t going anywhere? In that case, you might want to craft a new, more nationalistic message that trades Reaganite optimism for a darker, more Trumpian tone. So far, Tom Cotton, the senator from Arkansas, is the clearest example of a Republican headed in this direction. Arkansas is in the heart of what Colin Woodard calls “greater Appalachia,” a region that has moved sharply to the right in the Obama era and that has proven a deep well of support for Trump. While the political influence of the white working class is rapidly declining in coastal America, it remains dominant in Arkansas and neighboring states, and Cotton has clearly taken this into account.

Though no one questions Cotton’s bona fides as a hard-right, anti-tax, small-government conservative—I recommend Molly Ball’s revealing 2014 profile in the Atlantic—he also has a populist streak. Unlike Rubio or Ryan, he rejects the pro-immigration stance of the GOP’s supply-side wing. During his brief tenure in the House, Cotton emerged as one of the fiercest critics of comprehensive immigration reform, and he’s gone on to sponsor tough immigration legislation in the Senate as well. Having recognized that minimum wage hikes are wildly popular among Arkansas voters, Cotton threaded the needle carefully, backing a modest statewide hike in 2014 while opposing new federal minimum wage legislation. Other Senate conservatives have gained “strange new respect” from liberals by opposing dragnet surveillance and embracing criminal justice reform. Cotton has done the exact opposite, championing the National Security Agency and calling for more punitive sentencing for violent offenders. If Republicans want a harder-edged standard bearer who doesn’t disguise his contempt for Beltway elites, Cotton fits the bill.

Where does Cotton stand on Trump? He’s played both sides of the fence. Last summer, he demanded that Trump apologize for his attack on John McCain’s military record, which is really the least he could do as a fellow veteran. He also opposed Trump’s call for a ban on Muslim immigrants, a somewhat harder political call given widespread support for the proposal among Republicans. In March, however, Cotton joined a delegation of congressional Republicans who met with Trump in Washington, part of the presidential candidate’s effort to woo the party establishment. Cotton was the only attendee who hadn’t endorsed Trump’s candidacy, and his presence raised eyebrows. Around the same time, well before Trump had sewn up the nomination, Cotton defended Trump’s credentials as a potential commander-in-chief and echoed some of Trump’s concerns about whether the U.S. was being taken for a ride by its NATO allies, a surprising stance for a defense hawk beloved among neocons. Now that Trump is the last Republican candidate standing, Cotton is being touted as a potential running mate. Given that he’s been a highly effective critic of Hillary Clinton’s stance on immigration—and immigration is, after all, Trump’s signature issue—he wouldn’t be a bad choice at all. If the 39-year-old senator decides to run for the Republican nomination in 2020 or 2024, as many believe he will, one can easily imagine him inheriting a decent-sized chunk of the Trump vote.

So which Republicans are going to look like bozos a year or two from now, when Trump will either be the man who obliterated the GOP or the one who permanently redefined its identity? I have no idea. But the Trump candidacy has provided a very useful sorting mechanism. In two years, eight years, or 20 years down the line, we’ll be able to look back and see where the next generation of Republican leaders stood when Trump came calling, and we’ll be able to vote accordingly.

Lastly, Matt Lewis of the Daily Caller argues here that communitarianism, not nationalism, is the cure to what ails us.
 
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