The question is why should it be on government property by the capital. It can be in a museum, people can paint their car like the general lee, or their living room or fly it in their front yard.
But memorials (owned and paid for by the government and on government property) are okay? Street names are okay?
So Graham has broken out with a case of John Wafflehouse Kerry Syndrome.
Personally I don't think that it should "fly" on government property. What do you mean by street names? I have no problem with General Lee St. or Stonewall Jackson Dr. (not sure if those are real street names, I just made them up right now). As has been discussed in this thread the people fighting the war are very much a different topic then the flag. I would probably be against Confederate Flag Way.
The bottom line in the South Carolina Confederate flag debate is this:
There are two sides to it. On one side are the people who see the flag as symbolic of the racism that at one time was just a part of everyday life in the South.
On the other side are those people who see the flag as symbolic of their ancestors' fight to maintain their way of life, not all of which was racist. And they have a point.
The problem is that they both have valid points. But no matter that the "historians" have a point about the flag's ancestral value; the hatred, intolerance, and downright abuse that it also stands for should outweigh their "honor". The sooner that both sides acknowledge this, the better things will be.
"they're not shit on the damage we can apparently do to ourselves on a regular basis."
Not to get off topic but I quoted that because we practically created ISIS so in a way, we did do that to ourselves.
Why should the "hatred" outweigh the "honor"? Lots of people believe that the American flag is a symbol of racism, genocide, etc.- how many have the believe that for us to take the American flag down? How many people have to be offended for us to rename streets, destroy memorials, and burn flags?
Why should the "hatred" outweigh the "honor"? Lots of people believe that the American flag is a symbol of racism, genocide, etc.- how many have the believe that for us to take the American flag down? How many people have to be offended for us to rename streets, destroy memorials, and burn flags?
The bottom line in the South Carolina Confederate flag debate is this:
There are two sides to it. On one side are the people who see the flag as symbolic of the racism that at one time was just a part of everyday life in the South.
On the other side are those people who see the flag as symbolic of their ancestors' fight to maintain their way of life, not all of which was racist. And they have a point.
The problem is that they both have valid points. But no matter that the "historians" have a point about the flag's ancestral value; the hatred, intolerance, and downright abuse that it also stands for should outweigh their "honor". The sooner that both sides acknowledge this, the better things will be.
I'm sorry, isn't this exactly the point I was making?
Right, which is why I said said it makes sense to me that people would want to remove all symbols related to the Confederacy.
Thank you for giving me a shot to explain my point.
Yes most actors selected their side based upon state loyalty versus union, and a lot of other motivations were stirred up to use as justifications for a) treason; and b) an immoral offensive war. But if the originators had anything but a motivation to preserve slavery, and only that issue when they manipulated the American population, there is no evidence supporting any alternative.
The sole reason for all the activities that led to the civil war was slavery. Period. Therefore the only reason for the civil war was to protect slavery, the subjugation of an entire group of dark skinned people, for economic and personal reward. It doesn't matter what reason is used. Everyone was aware that the slavery issue was central.
My first wife had some ancestors from Kansas, three brothers who served for the Union at Antietam(Sharpsburg), Gettysburg, and in a number of other engagements. I had a chance to read many of their preserved letters. Anyone who has done so, knows that these people were aware of how central the issue of slavery was to their fighting and sacrifice.
The original point was that that flag of the Army of Northern Va., was created as a result of a social, political, then military movement that came into existence solely to protect slavery. And then subsequent points that its popularity soared in the early and mid twentieth century as it was promoted by racist, anti-desegregationist, and others is even more clearly correct.
No one can honestly claim that banner is anything but a symbol of racism. And anyone that says that that is all the American flag is, is a traitorous piece of shit. America has been far from perfect, but I don't think there is a parallel between what the American Flag stand for, and that of any other on the face of the earth, past or present.
So I take offense of people singling out guys like Calhoun as "racist" when you could pin the same label on Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, etc. It's hypocritical and ignorant of the times. All WASPs were racist as hell in that era.
I think there's a difference between being products of their time and being a general in the army that was fighting to keep slaves.
Alabama governor orders Confederate flags taken down - CNNPolitics.com
Four Confederate flags were removed from a state Capitol monument today at 8:20 am on the order of Gov. Bentley. A spokesperson said the move was permanent.
Bravo Gov. Bentley!
Wow...the ball is rolling.
Why should the "hatred" outweigh the "honor"? Lots of people believe that the American flag is a symbol of racism, genocide, etc.- how many have the believe that for us to take the American flag down? How many people have to be offended for us to rename streets, destroy memorials, and burn flags?
So I assume no more Civil War battlefields (which are federal parks) can sell Confederate flags, either? They have done so forever, of course, but they probably will not survive The Revolution.
“The American South has always been the most barbaric, backward region in any developed democracy,” Vox’s Dave Roberts tweeted in the midst of a long day of Confederate flag talk on Twitter yesterday. “Can we admit that now?”
Roberts is Southern-raised himself, a point he hastened to add, and I very much am not: The Douthat family has roots in Virginia way back when, but my branch drifted west through Arkansas to California, and my mother’s family are deep New Englanders, as far from Dixie in body and soul as you can get. I had ancestors fighting on both sides in the War of Southern Intransigence, but I identify as a Connecticut Yankee, and my fourteen-year-old self wanted to fix bayonets on Little Round Top, not charge to doom and glory with George Pickett.
But I am a cultural conservative, and I think that qualifies me to say something, at least, about the question of southron “backwardness” and its implications for how we think about the region and its past. Because it’s both the case that Roberts is right — by any Whig-history standard, the American South has always been well behind the times — and the case this backwardness explains part of the South’s distinctive appeal, not only to racial revanchists (though certainly to them), but to anyone looking for an alternative to the master narrative of American history, a kind of domestic Otherland in which certain things lost in the march of progress might be found.
If you’ve never felt dissatisfied enough with progress to go looking for these things, then the appeal of anything tangentially connected to Dixie can seem entirely mystifying … and especially its appeal to non-southerners, who don’t even have the ancestral excuse for valorizing the land of slaveholding and segregation.
But people who have gone looking, whose Tocquevillian rue about what modernity homogenizes and grinds away has sent them questing for alternatives, often find in the South scattered elements of the case against progress that they’re searching for. Some of these elements are intellectual — the line running back from Wendell Berry through the Southern Agrarians to Jefferson, for instance, is one of the strongest counter-narratives available to any American dissatisfied with liberal and libertarian visions of human flourishing today. (I didn’t say it was all that strong, mind you.) Others are those features of Southern culture that can make the rest of America seem dull or flat or hollowed-out by comparison: The literature and poetry, the music in all its varied forms, the religious and metaphysical horizons, the folkways and the manners, the food (the food, the food), everything about Louisiana, and the enduring martial culture on which the wider nation’s military has long relied (and still relies today).
And from the conservative’s perspective, crucially, these elements and features seem to exist and flourish, enriching the lives of all Americans, precisely because of Southern “backwardness.” They are not, as Roberts implied in a follow-up tweet praising his native region’s “music & literature & art,” somehow incidental to its distinctive, slow-to-modernize history. Rather they take the forms they do because the South’s trajectory has been different, because it stands apart.
Which leads to the temptation, to which many southerners and not a few cultural conservatives have succumbed, to regard the Confederate States of America as the political and historical champion of all these attractive Southern distinctives, the road not taken down which they might have flourished more fully, and to invent narratives in which Robert E. Lee’s soldiers fought and died for God, chivalry, states rights, Mardi Gras and Low Country cuisine and the philosophy and poetry of Allen Tate. Again, the progressive mind understandably finds this temptation bizarre and mysterious, but the conservative mind does not: Even a secession-hating Yankee like myself has felt, at certain moments, the pull of that idea, the lure of that fantasy …
… which is precisely why it’s so important for conservatives to keep their eyes fixed on the actual realities of the Southern cause, in which certain things worth loving were subsumed, leagues-deep, by the explicit, unstinting defense of ideas and practices and institutions that deserved to die a thousand deaths and be buried without honor. Fixing our eyes thus leads to uncomfortable conclusions about conservatism in American history: It requires acknowledging that the most culturally conservative region in our country, the place that most manifests certain of tradition’s virtues, does so against a historical backdrop of cruelty and corruption that modeled nothing except the machinery of hell. But only with that acknowledgment can you get to a place where the virtues of Southern exceptionalism can be appreciated honestly (rather than with constant elisions and omissions); where the case for some forms of “backwardness” can be made with a clean conscience; and where a future true to the fullness of the Southern past can be mapped out.
The Confederacy, and the cruel way of life for which it fought and fell, is not the lost Southern alternative to modern American civilization. It’s the reason the American South couldn’t offer, and didn’t deserve to offer, such an alternative. Which is an excellent argument, one among many, for why the southland’s conservative friends and admirers should be eager to see its flag furled and put away.
So I assume no more Civil War battlefields (which are federal parks) can sell Confederate flags, either? They have done so forever, of course, but they probably will not survive The Revolution.
So I assume no more Civil War battlefields (which are federal parks) can sell Confederate flags, either? They have done so forever, of course, but they probably will not survive The Revolution.
Here is a really good article written by a radio personality in Charleston. He used to defend the flag.
The ‘Southern Avenger’ Repents: I Was Wrong About the Confederate Flag - The Daily Beast
I said the flag was about states’ rights. I said it stood for self-determination. I said it honored heritage.
I argued the Confederate flag wasn’t about race. I believed it. Millions of well-meaning Southerners believe it too.
I was wrong. That flag is always about race. Whatever political or historical points the flag’s defenders make, there will never be a time—and never has been a time—in which millions of Americans have looked at that symbol and not seen hatred.
We can argue for the rest of time whether this is fair or not. And for the rest of time, that symbol will still be seen in an overwhelmingly negative light.
Those who see hatred have political and historical reasons too.
This has always been the Confederate flag debate game. One camp’s arguments are supposed to trump the other’s.
I’m not here to settle those arguments. I tired of them years ago.
But I am here to say there is something at stake far more important than this symbol.
Heritage might not be hate. But battling hate is far more important than anyone’s heritage, politics, or just about anything else. We should have different priorities.
I now have different priorities.
Dylann Roof is a reminder of what’s at stake.
***
The week before a white supremacist murdered nine black men and women in my hometown of Charleston, I was angry at my fellow conservatives.
A 14-year-old black girl attending a pool party in McKinney, Texas, had been manhandled and thrown to the ground by a police officer. The girl had done nothing except talk. She was just standing there with other teenagers.
It was revolting to watch. I asked others to imagine it was their daughter.
The overwhelming response was that she was a “thug” who was “no saint” and needed to be taught “respect.” The comments were as revolting as the act—an adult mob praising the assault of a 100-pound, half-naked and scared black kid. I pleaded again for people to stop defending this. It got uglier.
It bothered me greatly, probably because at one time I might have done the same thing.
In my role as a conservative radio personality, I would’ve likely joined in in calling a group of excited black teenagers, or protesters, “thugs.” I might have called illegal immigrants criminals or worse. Muslims would’ve been slandered as terrorists.
Ugliness was a stock-in-trade.
I thought a big part of being conservative meant picking a “side” and attacking the other. I thought not caring what others thought or felt was part of it. Some of my Confederate flag debates certainly reflected that mentality.
This is something ideologues do and is by no means exclusive to the right, as evidenced by the way some liberals cartoonishly portray conservatives, Christians, and, yes, Southerners.
Ideologues ridicule and dehumanize people at the expense of their personhood. Ideologues believe some groups must be attacked, and although the groups are comprised of flesh-and-blood human beings, it’s better not to think of them as people too much—it could get you off message.
It’s crude collectivist thinking. It’s an intentional lack of sympathy. It’s dehumanization. It’s at the heart of everything that’s wrong with our politics and culture.
In its most extreme form, it’s what’s wrong with Dylann Roof.
There is a sense in which a statue of a Confederate general is not very different from displaying a Confederate flag on government land. It can send a perfectly appropriate message to educated people, about heritage and duty to one's home state, but it sends the wrong kind of message to the most ignorant people, and the unfortunate consequences of that latter message may outweigh any benefit to sending the former kind of message. Obviously a statue of Washington or Jefferson doesn't celebrate any aspect of their racism, as a statue of a Confederate general in uniform on a horse holding up a sabre may seem to do.
But just calling a Confederate general or statesman "racist" fails to make any useful point. It just doesn't accomplish what it is trying to do. Obviously, many of the Union generals and statesmen were also "racist" by today's standards, so you get nowhere by writing "racist" on a statue of Calhoun.
You might as well write "sexist." No doubt he believed that women shouldn't be able to vote; so did most people in the mid-nineteenth century. It doesn't make it right, but applying the label just doesn't make any meaningful criticism.
EDIT: Let me be clear, I'm not necessarily saying that we should take down all statues of Confederate generals or statesmen. I'm just saying, there is an intelligent way to argue for that and an ignorant way, and spray-painting "racist" on a statue of a Confederate figure is the ignorant way.