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Whiskeyjack

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Adrian Vermeule just published an article in The University Bookman titled "The Ark of Tradition":

In Carl Schmitt’s masterful but underappreciated essay of 1923, Roman Catholicism and Political Form—written well before his apostasy to Nazism in the early 1930s—Schmitt twice uses precisely the same phrase: “the machine has no tradition.” The repetition seems entirely deliberate and suggests that the idea is near the center of Schmitt’s argument. What does Schmitt mean by this, and what significance does it have for us?

The phrase appears in two different, but related, contexts. In the first, Schmitt writes that “[t]he modern factory, lacking representation and imagery, takes its symbols from another age because the machine has no tradition. It is so little capable of creating an image that even the Russian Soviet Republic found no other symbol for its badge of rule than the hammer and sickle.” Schmitt’s point here isn’t about the Soviet state per se; indeed he is explicit throughout that the Bolshevik and the large capitalist are on the same side of the crucial fault-line of the age. “The big industrialist has no other ideal than that of Lenin—an ‘electrified earth.’ They disagree essentially only on the correct method of electrification. American financiers and Russian Bolsheviks find themselves in a common struggle for economic thinking, that is, the struggle against politicians and jurists.”

Rather, the major fault-line runs between two distinct types of rationality: the “economic” rationality shared by both the capitalist and Bolshevik, on the one hand, and the “juridical” rationality of Catholicism on the other. Economic rationality is a means-end rationality that treats Nature as a source of raw material, that struggles heroically to subdue Nature to ends determined by human will, and that (as a consequence) brings about and then inhabits a denatured world of grand dichotomies—with cities of glass and steel on one side and the untamed “environment” and “climate” on the other, to be studied and manipulated strictly as objects of science. Economic rationality equates all rationality with the methods of the natural sciences, and in Humean vein takes ends or goals as simply given, outside the framework of rational argument. It thus attempts to depoliticize society, bracketing all substantive and normative debate over ends insofar as possible. The byproduct of this attempt, in the political sphere, is some form of political liberalism, which attempts to privatize thick commitments and to either quarantine comprehensive substantive views about the proper ends of politics, or transform them into reasonable “preferences,” to be harmonized with the preferences held by others.

The problem with this stance, both in economic and political spheres, is that in a regime of technical-liberal rationality, agents act to achieve posited goals without knowing why those are the goals they are acting to achieve, or where their aims come from. “In modern economy, a completely irrational consumption conforms to a totally rationalized production … without bringing into question what is most important—the rationality of the purpose of this supremely rational mechanism.” Economic rationality thus becomes utterly mysterious to itself; it does not understand itself, its purposes, or what it stands for, as opposed to what it can accomplish.

For Schmitt, the great antithesis of economic-technical rationality is the juridical rationality of the Church. This is not primarily a means-end rationality (although, one may add, it is sufficiently flexible to encompass such rationality in the form of prudence and the determinatio, the discretionary specification of particular positive means for attaining general ends given by the natural law). Instead Catholic juridical rationality rests upon “a particular mode of thinking whose method of proof is a specific juridical logic and whose focus of interest is the normative guidance of human social life.” Politically, Catholicism rests upon a chain of personal representation stretching from the present Vicar of Christ back in an unbroken line to Christ himself. The apostolic succession, whose occupants stand at every stage in personam Christi, is both a chain of office-holding and literally a living tradition. Possessed of this dual bureaucratic and personal nature, embodied in a kind of hypostatic union, the Church alone is capable of adjusting principle to the signs of the times without abandoning continuity of political identity. The living chain to the past gives the Church a unique vocation as a guardian of memory, as I have elaborated elsewhere.

In the second appearance of the phrase, Schmitt expands upon the necessary enmity between technical rationality and tradition:

Intelligence and rationalism are not in themselves revolutionary. But technical thinking is foreign to all social traditions: the machine has no tradition. One of Karl Marx’s seminal sociological discoveries is that technology is the true revolutionary principle, beside which all revolutions based on natural law are antiquated forms of recreation. A society built exclusively on progressive technology would thus be nothing but revolutionary; but it would soon destroy itself and its technology. (Emphasis added).

Here we arrive at the heart of Schmitt’s vision for the future of the Church and its role in a society increasingly dominated by technical rationality. Schmitt’s prediction is that such a society would eventually consume and destroy itself; and a central thesis of the book as a whole is that our liberal-technical society is itself just such a society.

Schmitt is unfortunately vague on the precise mechanisms of self-destruction. But from the larger context of his thought we can extrapolate to fill in the remainder of the picture. The state becomes overrun by rent-seeking interests and a depoliticized managerial politics, while citizens relapse into a kind of apathetic and hedonistic privacy, dominated by consumerism and a consumerist approach to political life. At a certain point, however, the thinness of the regime’s claim to loyalty, and the accelerating pace and increasing burdens of relentless creative destruction, jointly become intolerable. The sheer plasticity and restless liberationism of the regime exceed the populace’s appetite for freedom, and a kind of rebellion against the principles of the regime itself will occur. The populace craves the return of “strong gods” (in R. R. Reno’s phrase) and summons them. It is not impossible to discern the beginnings of such a process in our own era, as Reno indeed does. The economic-technical state ultimately turns out to be self-undermining, because it rests upon a defective psychology and anthropology.

How then to understand the role of the Church in the setting of a society careening towards this endpoint? My suggestion, which is consistent with Schmitt’s vision, but goes beyond what he articulates, is that the Church serves as a kind of ark, whose vocation is to preserve the living tradition of the Verbum Dei amidst the universal deluge of economic-technical decadence, and the eventual self-undermining of the regime.

There are a number of distinct structures or vehicles that are available to carry out the Church’s vocation as a guardian of memory. One is a museum, a static space for unliving or frozen objects. Another is a zoo, a static space for living beings. Museums and zoos have their place and value, but a third and higher vehicle of guardianship is the ark. Unlike a museum, an ark houses living beings, who breed, reproduce, and change over time. Unlike a zoo, an ark does not remain in place, but carries its beings on a journey with a discernible aim, even if that aim is, for the time being, merely survival. The three great arks of Scripture carry the beasts of Creation and the human beings who are their stewards (Genesis 6:14 et seq.); the living presence of Yahweh (Exodus 25:8 et seq.); and—in the form of the Blessed Virgin, identified right at the beginning of the Church’s history as a living and holy ark—the incarnate body of the Son.

Only the Church, on this view, can both preserve the substance of the tradition and yet also avoid rigidity, navigating flexibly hither and yon in order to stay afloat in the flood-tide of modernity. The great theorist of the Church-as-ark is Cardinal Newman, and Newman’s account of the development of doctrine fits smoothly into this overall picture of the Church’s vocation. Development of doctrine is an ongoing series of course corrections in an unstable and periodically stormy environment. These corrections adjust the ark’s direction in the short run in order to carry out the larger enterprise of navigation. As Newman put it, the Church’s course must “change in order to remain the same.”

The ark of tradition must wander far from home; the three arks of Scripture all do so. The ark of Genesis wanders on the waters; the ark of Exodus through the desert; the ark of the Gospels, Mary, through political danger and turmoil. This wandering is best understood not as a doom for the Church, so much as a providential trial and a precondition for the ultimate fulfillment of its vocation. In a startling echo of Joseph de Maistre’s claim that the providential aim of the French Revolution was to ensure the ultimate supremacy of the Church, Schmitt suggests that the spread of economic-technical society, and the conflict between economic and juridical rationality, will sharpen oppositions and drive out vague, compromised, and intermediate forms. All this will work to the benefit of the Church, which will be the only genuinely political global entity left standing after the eventual self-immolation of the liberal-technical regime. As Schmitt puts it:

Should economic thinking succeed in realizing its utopian goal and in bringing about an absolutely unpolitical condition of human society, the Church would remain the only agency of political thinking and political form. Then the Church would have a stupendous monopoly: its hierarchy would be nearer the political domination of the world than in the Middle Ages.

In this way, the economic-technical society may bring about the end of history after all, but that end, far from finally conquering the “irrationalism” of the Church, will actually tend to confirm the triumph of the Church’s alternate form of rationalism. In that way the end of history will hardly resemble what its liberal-technical proponents imagine.

Inject this straight into my veins please. The author is on Twitter (@avermeule) so give him a follow if you're into this stuff.
 

ickythump1225

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Wow, a left wing American Catholic clergyman, color me shocked.
This is why I have a moral debate with myself anytime the collection plate gets passed around if I am in a novus ordo parish because the Lord only knows what reprehensible causes and organizations the modernist leftists who run most of these parishes and dioceses give those dollars to. I miss my old FSSP parish where I felt (mostly) comfortable with where the tithe money went.
 

ickythump1225

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That was like the most reasonable response ever to gun tragedy. Seems like its word for word from everyone but Gun rights advocates.

Maybe its time to have that discussion, both morally and constitutionally.
"Conversations" and "discussions" are leftist trojan horses to try and enforce their agend and take something from us. The problem with these gun control "discussions" is they only ever go one way.

By the way, gun control measures are mostly placebos designed to make people feel safer while not really doing anything:
Two Nevada gun shops confirmed Monday that they sold firearms to Mandalay Bay shooter Stephen Paddock in the last year and said he passed all required background checks.
https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/l...phen-paddock-passed-background-checks-n806921

Gun control wouldn't have stopped a single mass shooter, it's just a waste of time that will only hurt people inclined to follow the law. I would categorize mass shooters as those less inclined to follow the law.
 

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“The lunatic is on the grass. The lunatic is on the grass.”

It was an hour before midnight. Ten-year-old James was in his bedroom, alone, when he was suddenly gripped by terror. A Pink Floyd song rang out through the empty room. The radio turned on by itself.

“The lunatic is on the grass. The lunatic is in the hall.”

James lay paralyzed, locked in that helpless state that is itself as terrifying as whatever causes it. He wanted to move or cry out but couldn’t. So he just listened.

“The lunatic is in my head. There’s someone in my head, but it’s not me.”

This was James’s first direct experience with evil, but it wouldn’t be his last. “That would become something that would be common,” he remembers. “I’d have a feeling of something scary being present. Then something weird would happen.”

First the presence, then the strange thing. It would recur that way throughout his life.

This is the first phase of demonic activity, the devil’s first tentative steps into a life. For all the victims of demonic activity I spoke with, this sort of thing is common. And like James, they all wished to remain anonymous.
The Dark Backward: Demons in the Real World - Crisis Magazine
 

Whiskeyjack

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Made me laugh and think of this thread.

It is indeed. There's a variation on it which has the Papal States instead of the Roman Empire. It me.

All my favorite threads are ghost towns now. Maybe we can put them back on the Front Page once the off-season begins.
 

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THE REAL FIRST THANKSGIVING: Spanish explorer and first territorial governor Juan de Oñate instituted an annual American Thanksgiving more than 20 years before the Pilgrims set foot in Massachusetts.

Raising a huge cross along with the Franciscan friars who accompanied the expedition, Oñate dedicated the territory to Christ the King, “I want to take possession of this land today, April 30, 1598, in honor of Our Lord Jesus Christ, on this day of the Ascension of Our Lord.” Holy Mass followed this ceremony and the native Indians readily embraced the Catholic faith. Every year since, even to this day, residents of the area hold a grand feast to celebrate that first Thanksgiving four hundred years ago.
https://reginamag.com/the-real-than...m_medium={facebook}&utm_campaign=sumome_share
 

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">So I just signed up for Twitter and I don't totally know how to use it. Here's a great picture of Mary destroying demons. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/VirginMary?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#VirginMary</a> <a href="https://t.co/sVeGfpTU6T">pic.twitter.com/sVeGfpTU6T</a></p>— A. Sheehan (@raissathomas) <a href="https://twitter.com/raissathomas/status/935912357943005186?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 29, 2017</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
 

Whiskeyjack

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Dan Hitchens just published an article in First Things titled "In Defense of Regal Popes":

Given that the evils against which he fought—totalitarian repression, unrestrained capitalism, sexual immorality, moral heresy, aggressive secularism, racist nationalism, and so on—still cause us such grief, it is striking that Pope Pius XI is little celebrated today. He is remembered for his denunciation of the Nazis, and for the Feast of Christ the King, which Catholics marked on Sunday. But something about him puts people off—perhaps his regal manner. When instituting Sunday’s feast, he taught that every individual, every society, is “under the dominion of Christ,” and that Christ’s Kingship must be recognized “both in private and in public life.” He believed, moreover, that human authority would be more respected if it reflected divine authority; and so, when passing on the teaching of Christ, he spoke and acted with a commanding, almost imperious, confidence.

Some of this was a matter of personal character. Even when he was plain Mgr. Achille Ratti, a respected paleographer and librarian, he did not flinch from a challenge: He and three companions became the first mountaineers to climb Monte Rosa (the second highest of the Alps) from the Italian side. Later, as nuncio to Poland, he asked permission from Rome to stay in Warsaw as the Red Army advanced. (Against all odds, the city held out.)

He carried the same bullheadedness into the papacy. In 1929, Bishop Liénart of Lille publicly donated to a fund in support of striking Catholic workers. There was outrage, and a few reactionaries protested to Rome: This bishop was some kind of Marxist! Pius responded by making Liénart a cardinal.

In 1937, the aging Pontiff issued Mit brennender Sorge, the most significant act of his continuous opposition to Nazism. It was not only the text—a long and ferociously undiplomatic rebuke—which stunned Hitler (for three days, reportedly, the Führer was so upset that he cancelled all appointments). It was also the cleverness with which the encyclical was smuggled into Germany, reprinted in hundreds of thousands of copies, and then read out at packed Palm Sunday Masses. According to the historian Henri Daniel-Rops, Pius made sure to publish a few days beforehand a separate encyclical, Divini Redemptoris, which denounced communism as a “pernicious enemy.” The result was that the Nazi press came out and said that perhaps Pius was a wise man after all, just days before Hitler would be condemned from the pulpit.

Pius’s character is not beyond criticism—he was given, says Eamon Duffy, to “towering rages which left his entourage weak and trembling.” But it was not only his personality which makes him such a definitive example, for good or ill, of the regal style of papacy. It was not as himself that he spoke so thunderously, but as a pope who wished to teach nothing that contradicted his predecessors. G. K. Chesterton seems to have had an intuition of this: On his visit to Rome in 1929, he received the papal blessing and suddenly understood why popes and kings used the plural “we.” (Until then, it had seemed a “senseless custom.”) For when Pius blessed the group, Chesterton realized “that it was indeed ‘We’; We, Peter and Gregory and Hildebrand and all the dynasty that does not die.”

Chesterton’s insight—that in Pius you could almost hear St. Peter and Pope Gregory the Great and so on—is crucial to understanding both Pius and the papacy itself. Pius’s words had such force because he tried to speak as a “We”: He bound himself to what had already been believed by Catholics throughout history and had been reaffirmed by his predecessors. He did not wish to deviate from that tradition by a millimeter.

In Casti Connubii, for instance, Pius gave some moving reflections on marriage before turning to a question which he knew had to be addressed: Is all this moral teaching actually realistic? Are there not circumstances where upholding the laws of sexual ethics becomes counterproductive? And if so, shouldn’t the Church reconcile itself to the fact that not everybody is a hero and people need to get on with their lives, even if that means softening the rules a bit? In response to this tempting line of thought, Pope Pius—while acknowledging with evident sorrow the problems faced by married couples—declared: “No difficulty can arise that justifies the putting aside of the law of God which forbids all acts intrinsically evil. There is no possible circumstance in which husband and wife cannot, strengthened by the grace of God, fulfill faithfully their duties and preserve in wedlock their chastity unspotted.”

But importantly, as soon as he did so, he stressed that he was only following the line of perennial Church doctrine. He cited the Council of Trent and its solemn teaching, derived from the Church Fathers, that “God does not ask the impossible”; and the Church’s condemnation of the Jansenist heresy that “Some precepts of God are . . . impossible of fulfillment.” By standing within a tradition, Pius’s teaching rang out with an authoritative voice.

Pius’s style went out of fashion decades ago, for understandable reasons. Later generations have been less impressed by venerable institutions: As Pope Paul VI put it, modern man listens to witnesses more readily than to teachers. But we will misread Pius XI if we only see his external manner—the severe rhetoric, the regal bearing—and forget the love for souls which was his abiding motive. His friends testified that, when he revitalized the Church's missionary work, when he spoke out for the workers oppressed by liberal capitalism, it was no abstract concern. These things cost him sleepless nights.
 

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Cardinal Burke will be celebrating the Latin Mass at Our Lady of Guadalupe in La Crosse, Wisconsin at 9:30 am this Sunday, December 10 if anyone is close enough to attend.
 

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First Things' PJ Smith just published an article titled "The Possibility of a Catholic Social Order":

Peter Kwasniewski, a professor at Wyoming Catholic College and a frequent commentator, has recently published A Reader in Catholic Social Teaching. The Reader includes encyclicals from Pius IX’s Quanta Cura to Benedict XVI’s Deus Caritas Est. In many ways, it upends the traditional narrative of Catholic Social Teaching, proposing through its selections a vision beyond unions and fair wages. This vision addresses political life more generally and more thoroughly than the narrow economic scope usually claimed for Catholic Social Teaching.

In this interview, Kwasniewski explains the vision behind the book, which recovers key sources of the Church’s anti-liberal tradition, at a time when more people are questioning the foundations and value of liberalism. He also discusses the process of selecting, editing, and correcting the papal documents, as well as the new translation of the controversial Declaration on Religious Liberty
, Dignitatis Humanae.

Patrick J. Smith: My first question is, Why now? Is there any particular reason you have brought out the Reader at this moment?

Peter Kwasniewski: This book, you could say, has been in the works for over twenty years. It began in an extracurricular seminar at Thomas Aquinas College, then morphed into a reading packet at the International Theological Institute, and reached its final form as the main textbook for Wyoming Catholic College’s required senior-level course in moral theology. After all this R&D, I felt I had a book that would be valuable to others. That being said, this moment happens to be a very good time to bring out a book that contains such documents as Leo XIII’s Libertas Praestantissimum, Pius XI’s Casti Connubii, and John Paul II’s Veritatis Splendor, since the doctrine of these and other classic encyclicals is being contradicted regularly nowadays, even by those in high places in the Church.

PJS: Before talking about the contents of the Reader, I have to say that I was struck by something you mentioned in the introduction: how terrible the readily accessible translations of many of these documents are. Even for those of us with rusty Latin, it is often obvious that the translations are shoddy. It seems as though you went to great pains to correct many, many errors. Could you describe how you went about correcting these documents?

PAK: Yes, it can be an embarrassment to look at Vatican documents online. There are two kinds of problems. In the old days, let’s say prior to the Second Vatican Council, we find generally reliable translations—but the electronic transcription of the texts was obviously done in haste, resulting in many typographical errors. The other kind of problem is more insidious: bad translations from the original Latin (or, as I guess we have to say nowadays, from the “normative” Latin version, which is itself usually a translation from Italian or French). I have found a few dozen places where translations either omit material, introduce phrases, or go off in idiosyncratic directions. All such things, naturally, had to be corrected whenever I spotted them. But a line-by-line comparison of all the translations with their sources would be the task of a lifetime. Maybe someday we will get fresh translations of all of these encyclicals.

PJS: Turning to the content of the Reader, it is common to hear—even from some well-informed Catholics—that the social magisterium began in 1891 with Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum. It proceeded by way of some occasional interventions until 1991, when John Paul II issued Centesimus Annus. Your Reader begins somewhat earlier, with Pius IX’s Quanta Cura and Syllabus of Errors of 1864. Why begin, as it were, before the beginning?

PAK: I have to admit it is quite frustrating when people reduce Catholic Social Teaching to economics: labor-capital relations, workers’ unions, minimum wage laws, the problems of socialism and libertarianism, that sort of thing. All this is no doubt important, as I discuss in a foreword to Thomas Storck’s new book An Economics of Justice and Charity. But even Leo XIII in Rerum Novarum makes reference to a panoply of earlier encyclicals that furnish the larger social, political, cultural, and religious context for tackling any of these economic matters.

Basically, what has happened with CST is comparable to what has happened with marriage and family: We spend a lot of time talking about contraception and abortion and bioethical dilemmas, and unfortunately we must do so, given the gravity of these evils and the obsessions of our day—but as a result we can fail to see, or at least fail to communicate to others, the profound truth of the sacrament of matrimony, which is the foundation of all the rules and prohibitions. In CST, too, we find an inspiring theological vision that precipitates or necessitates certain economic elements. But those elements are decisively secondary. And until we recover the ancient and deeply Catholic axiom of the primacy of the common good, which is also the primacy of supernaturalized politics and Christianized culture, we cannot make much sense out of the narrower Rerum Novarum tradition.

This new Reader is an attempt, you might say, at ressourcement: I want the reader to start with—and spend a lot of time on—fundamental principles. Obviously, one could easily make a book twice the length, or a whole series of books, so one has to begin somewhere. Pius IX, “Pio Nono,” is arguably the first of the modern popes who fully grasped the inherent tendencies of liberalism. He diagnosed the ideological ills of modern Europe, as a pathologist identifies diseases. The Syllabus, then, is a perennially valid frame of reference for coming to grips with the revolt of modern thinkers and statesmen against the Church, from the Reformation through the Enlightenment and into the buzzing swarm of -isms of the past century and a half. Indeed, as time passes, the Syllabus grows rather than wanes in relevance.

PJS: I’m paraphrasing badly, but Aristotle and Thomas talk of politics as, ultimately, ordered to producing virtuous citizens. However, there is a modern—very liberal—sense that political life and ethical life are separate. The liberal may be a believer or a political animal, but never both at the same time. We see an example of this today when we hear about Catholic politicians who try to find elaborate justifications for pro-abortion positions. Do you think reclaiming a broader, more political understanding of Catholic social teaching is part of the cure for this disease?

PAK: There is a terrible temptation nowadays to tunnel vision. We have become habituated to compartmental*ization. “Autonomous” is thought to be one of the best things you can say about something—in spite of the fact that Satan is the most autonomous, and he’s not enjoying it at all. Traditional CST, on the other hand, is radically opposed to such fragmentation and atomization. It proceeds from a unified vision of the hierarchical harmony of the goods for which we strive and, as a result, it is capable of making a penetrating analysis of real-world situations and of inspiring holistic, effective responses to them.

What I think has happened in the past sixty years or so is that too many Catholics have lost their confidence in both the truths of faith and the truths of reason; we’ve lost our confidence in the analytic and synthetic power of our own tradition. We chose to accommodate ourselves to the secularism around us, rather than challenging it from top to bottom, confronting it with an alternative. The melancholy refrain of the Old Testament—“And the children of Israel forsook the Lord, the God of their fathers, and followed other gods, the gods of the peoples who were round about them . . . they played the whore after other gods and bowed themselves down to them”—applies perfectly to the dominant trends in the Catholic Church, at least in the Western world. Among other things, we have consented to the violent annexation of politics by liberalism and resigned ourselves to endless partisan quarrels over policy issues and economics. This has meant, in practice, the loss of almost all of the impact that CST was meant to have and could have if it were fully, seriously embraced. Our sights are set far too low. We are content with mediocrity when we should be animated by noble ideals. The Reader is meant to be at cross purposes with the prevailing postconciliar accommodationist paradigm.

PJS: Despite beginning with Quanta Cura and Syllabus, you do not ignore Leo XIII. In fact, Leo XIII is represented extremely well. (A quick look at the table of contents confirms that the Reader includes more documents from Leo than from anyone else.) Why the emphasis on Leo XIII?

PAK: One sees in the magisterium of Leo XIII a careful working out of the necessary connections between metaphysics (what man is—a rational, social animal), ethics (the achievement of happiness through a life of virtue), politics (the ordering of the city, in its authority and in its laws, to the common good), and religion (God as the first beginning and last end of all reality, including society and regime). After decades of study, I have come to see Leo as the “Aristotle of CST.” Aristotle couldn’t have done what he did without the Presocratics and Plato, nor would his ideas have reached fruition without Albert, Aquinas, and other scholastics, but he still stands in a class by himself, as the one who first created the sciences. Leo, too, taking up the best in his predecessors, creates a “science” of CST, and most of what follows has the nature of a commentary on his work. You see this again and again in the actual documents. Nearly everything Pius XI wrote on social ethics, be it on marriage, communism, fascism, capitalism, begins with a homage to and a detailed engagement with Leo. The writings of John Paul II evince a similar deference to Leo.

Just in terms of page numbers, however, John Paul II is represented in this collection more than Leo XIII (220 pages for the one, 131 pages for the other; this partly has to do with the fact that papal documents become significantly longer as time goes on). Drawing on his experiences in Poland, and with his formidable philosophical training and poetic sensibility, Wojtyła was uniquely positioned to analyze the intersection of culture, society, politics, and religion. He cannot vie with Leo XIII at the level of articulating principles, but he adds a certain fullness and nuance to the body of teaching he inherited, especially in the realm of marriage and family.

PJS: Do you think that recovering—though for many Catholics with integralist sympathies, perhaps “recovering” is the wrong word—the fullness of Leo’s magisterium will change how we read Rerum Novarum?

PAK: Yes. The economic reforms Leo proposes in Rerum Novarum can never succeed within the confines of Enlightenment philosophy—within, say, a social contract understanding of society, authority, and law, where the common good is the sum total of private goods determined by a calculus of self-interest. Leo critiques all of this with devastating perspicacity, showing where it comes from and where it will lead. The economic piece fits into a larger picture.

PJS: In any book like this, choices have to be made. You did not include John XXIII’s two encyclicals often cited in this context, Mater et Magistra and Pacem in Terris, the Second Vatican Council’s attempt at a social document, Gaudium et Spes, or Paul VI’s Populorum Progressio. For example, Pacem in Terris is often cited in support of rights much in dispute today, such as a right to healthcare. Why not include any of these documents?

PAK: The reasons are largely pragmatic. There is a lot of repetition in the social documents of the magisterium, partly because there seems to be an unwritten assumption on the part of later popes, a slightly odd one if you ask me, that none of their readers has bothered or will bother to read the earlier stuff, so each pope needs to spend a lot of time summarizing everything that came before. Of course, this has some hermeneutical value in itself, as a doctrine repeated is a doctrine more firmly taught and established; but it makes it easier for a professor to say “Okay, let’s skip that, since we’ve just read something similar.” I have found, after many years of teaching CST, that “less is more”: If we do a close reading of, e.g., Rerum Novarum, Quadragesimo Anno, and passages from Centesimus Annus, it’s enough for an introduction.

Then there are some reasons particular to certain popes or texts. John XXIII may have had many fine qualities, but his social documents are rather weak. They tend to be page after page of sheer assertion, in grandiose United Nations style, with little argumentation to back it up. It is nearly the opposite of Leo XIII, who argues to every conclusion with ironclad syllogisms and a battery of Scripture citations. A proclamation of noble-sounding human rights was no doubt all the rage in the post-war era, but it rings a bit hollow to the jaded ear of post-modern man. Jacques Maritain was well and good back then; today, his political works are positively painful to read in their voluminous naiveté. The Reader privileges documents that argue from principles to conclusions rather than documents that optimistically appeal to everyone’s goodwill and progressive growth in consciousness.

The other thing I have noticed is that each person who spends time with magisterial documents will inevitably end up with a set of personal favorites. Perhaps we found in them certain striking phrases or passages that became for us a lens through which we now see the world, or a key that we bring to other documents. As a result, we will be surprised when looking at any collection put together by someone else: “How could they not have included [insert title]? That’s essential!” But as I’ve hinted already, a complete CST collection would probably comprise ten volumes of the size of this one. My final selection has been the result of experimenting with documents for almost twenty years in classes with undergraduate and graduate students, trying to find the best way to expose the foundations—the “principles, elements, and causes,” as Aristotle would have it—of this area of moral theology. As a Great Books advocate, I wanted to find the closest thing to the “Great Books of CST.” In reading this selection, one is drinking copiously from the most limpid and refreshing streams. It is relatively easy then to branch out to other popes and other documents, if one has been gripped and inspired by what one finds here.

PJS: One does not want to dwell too much on documents that did not make the cut, but some of your choices from the recent popes are surprising. For example, though you include Benedict’s Deus Caritas Est, you do not include Caritas in Veritate. And you include nothing from Francis. Why not include more from Benedict or Francis’s Laudato Si’?

PAK: Earlier I was speaking about the need to question and overturn the secularist ideology that finds its perfect expression in the axiomatic dogma of the separation of Church and State—the sort of critique Alasdair MacIntyre has pursued in the field of ethics for a long time now, but that the rest of the Church has been surprisingly slow to pick up on. Most of our bishops are still dancing to the tunes of the sixties and seventies, as if it’s the Summer of Love. As R. R. Reno argued in the December issue of First Things, the most pressing danger to the integrity and even the existence of Catholicism in the modern West is bourgeois accommodationism. Sadly, Pope Francis and his global enforcers seem to be the principal agents for that project—I mean the project of yoking and subordinating the Catholic Church to the secularist version of human rights, environmentalism, the sexual and gender revolutions, and so forth. It seems like the farther back you go, the pithier, wiser, and more consistently principled are the documents of the magisterium. These older documents pack more of a punch, tell us more important things, and, paradoxically, offer us more of the help we actually need today, rather than hitting us over the head with fashionable ideas we are already stewing in.

This reminds me of a fictional exchange I saw. One person asks: “What are youth looking for today in the Church?” A youth responds: “Orthodoxy, reverence, beauty.” The other replies: “So, then, you want more guitar Masses?” This is how it is with CST. What are we looking for? A compelling vision of a genuinely Christian society we can hold up as a model, aspire to, and work for. The hunger and thirst for such a society—the inescapable need of it for human flourishing—explains the enormous popularity of the “Benedict Option,” which I have argued is too weak a term. We should speak of the “Benedict Imperative.”

This is why, for instance, I have included Veritatis Splendor in full. The problem that towers over us is not the morality of recycling plastic or making better immigration policies, although I do wish we could reduce our dependence on non-biodegradable packaging, and I do hope we continue to search for reasonable solutions to immigration that respect both the dignity of persons and the rights and duties of sovereign nations. The problem is much more radical: the modern West’s rejection of objective morality, grounded in divine wisdom and intrinsic to human nature, the knowing and following of which is the only path to individual happiness and a just social order. The condition for the possibility of any serious Christian evangelization and social commitment is an unequivocal acceptance of the primacy of God the Creator, the radical demands of the law of Christ (“love one another as I have loved you”), and the power of the Holy Spirit to equip us to follow it. Put it this way: Without the bedrock foundation defended in Veritatis Splendor, there is nothing left of individual or social ethics. CST goes right out the window.

The same thing is true of our understanding of love and charity. Modern people are thoroughly confused about what love is—and if one gets this wrong, one will not have a clue about what a “civilization of love” is supposed to be or look like. “Love and do what you will” becomes a motto for Woodstock. It was precisely to address this chaotic situation that Benedict XVI wrote Deus Caritas Est, which I would maintain is almost as basic to the enterprise of CST as Veritatis Splendor is. By comparison, Caritas in Veritate is like jazz riffs on a familiar tune.

PJS: Turning back to what you do include, I noted with some excitement that you present a new, more accurate translation of Dignitatis humanae. Why?

PAK: As we were saying before, official Vatican translations succeed to varying degrees. The two English translations of Dignitatis Humanae that were made decades ago are inadequate. And given that this is one of the most controversial documents of all times, a fresh, precise, word-for-word translation is an enormous boon.

PJS: Do you think a better translation will settle some of the debates about Dignitatis humanae?

PAK: I wouldn’t necessarily go that far. The experts who are debating the document are already intimately familiar with what it says and doesn’t say (see this marvelous collection of papers, which I highly recommend). However, Michael Pakaluk’s translation brings out much more clearly than before how the authors who drafted the document are drawing upon magisterial and scholastic ways of thinking and speaking, a fact blurred by the woollier translations of the immediate post-Council.

PJS: Also, I see you have quite a bit of material on marriage and family.

PAK: If marriage is the God-given structure in which the family is rooted, and if families are the basic cells of society, then our social and political woes are traceable to cancer in these cells. That cancer spreads to every other organ and eventually brings down the body politic. And this is all the more reason to resist tendencies in the Church to compromise or water down in any way whatsoever the truth about indissoluble, faithful, fruitful marriage.

PJS: I was surprised to see Pius XII’s Ci Riesce instead of, for example, his fiftieth anniversary radio address on Rerum novarum, delivered on Pentecost 1941. Why Ci Riesce? Does it have anything to do with the increasingly acrimonious political situation, not only in the United States, but also in other countries? For example, France and Germany just had bruising elections.

PAK: It’s there for the sake of putting Dignitatis Humanae into a larger philosophical-theological context—something the Declaration itself sorely lacks. Basically, Ci Riesce is the “missing link” between Leo XIII’s Immortale Dei and Vatican II. I’m not saying that it solves every difficulty, but only that it is pretty much impossible to make heads or tails of the Declaration without a close look at Pius XII’s address. I do recognize, as you say, that Pius XII delivered many fine speeches and radio addresses on social ethics. What I said earlier about Maritain is true to a lesser extent of Pacelli: Some of these speeches read like period pieces, more so than the work of earlier and later popes. It is interesting to me that Pius XII never wrote a social encyclical (with the possible exception of Summi Pontificatus of 1939, depending on how one classifies it). He does not seem to have wanted to elevate his own contribution to social doctrine to a more central place in his magisterium; it was enough for him to adapt Leo XIII and Pius XI to the specific needs of a world ravaged by ideology and warfare.

PJS: In the introduction to the Reader, you mention that it can be used for a one- or two-semester course in Catholic social teaching. You’ve already mentioned that the Reader developed out of your own experiences at the International Theological Institute and Wyoming Catholic College. Would the Reader also be suitable for the kind of “extracurricular seminars” you recall so fondly, or informal reading groups?

PAK: Yes, absolutely. I could imagine productive and animated reading group discussions based on this collection. Obviously the members would have to be seriously committed to the project, as this isn’t light reading. Right after the Preface I provide a suggested syllabus that divides up the book’s content into 24 manageable assignments, taking a thematic approach (the book itself is laid out chronologically). It was reading almost exactly the same set of documents back in college that opened my mind to the possibility and desirability of a Catholic social order, so I do hope this book will help others to have that liberating experience, too.
 

Whiskeyjack

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First Things just published an article titled "Trimming the Ark" which first ran in The Tablet in 1966:

After the Council? Yes; but unless the world is due to end suddenly, we are presumably living through a pre-conciliar epoch as well. This beloved Now, so real and special to ourselves, is already slithering off into “the dark backward and abysm of time”: Soon it will be something odd-seeming and remote, an historical period, an object for detached criticism, for a later generation’s reforming zeal.

What will be the atmosphere, the agenda of Vatican III?—though of course we don’t even know that much about the future: The next Council may be summoned to Minneapolis or Peking, it may have a regenerate world at its feet, it may consist only of half-a-dozen wild-eyed unshaven men in a cellar. But it seems safe to guess that, when the time comes, reform and development will be in the air, a sense of forgotten truth to be reasserted, of imbalance to be corrected; also, that if the Church’s garden then seems to need weeding, some at least of the weeds will be of our generation’s planting. Ecclesia semper reformanda is neither a new discovery nor a passing phase: If we sometimes speak in patronizing tones of the Tridentine era, then our descendants will be equally justified in shaking their heads over the euphoric triumphalism of the present time, our happy self-congratulation, our certainty that we in this generation had broken through at last to true wisdom.

Through the dusty and yellowing files they will go, the intellectuals of that day, anxious to temper their natural reforming zeal with some sympathetic understanding of how Catholics felt and behaved in the late 1960s. They will make allowances. We were men of the twentieth century, carried along (unless we struggled heroically) by very powerful psychological currents: We tended, therefore, to follow the contingent trend of the moment as though it were an absolute; we over-dramatized the apparent novelty of our condition; we indulged a kind of collective Oedipus complex, resenting and rejecting whatever smacked of the past. Making kindly allowance for all such aspects of the general twentieth-century neurosis, our descendants will still find, in the record of our Catholic life, an astonishing formalism. Here, it will seem, was a Catholic intelligentsia obsessed with ecclesiastical arrangements, with structures and patterns and plans of every kind—papal, conciliar, episcopal, parochial; priestly and laical, liturgical, canonical, inter-denominational, cultural, social, political. Here (they will think) was a people who behaved as though the interesting and important thing about the Mass was the prospect of restyling the package; as though sin and folly resulted from a bad condition of the ecclesiastical machine; as though, given only a rending of garments according to current fashion and theory, our cold hearts would warm up naturally and painlessly.

Such an impression will of course be misleading, the consequence of taking the printed record too seriously, and it will not be total: Here and there in the general excited buzz, there will be visible an outcrop of the unchanging reality beneath, some out-of-date old cleric still raising a stubborn voice about the love of God, the burden of sin, the pain of Christ, the love of our neighbor, the pilgrimage of this life, and the Four Last Things. But in general we shall seem to have surrendered pretty completely to the political and activist illusion of the time, placing our trust in policy and insight and arrangement, in the human wisdom of our managerial elite, in our new fine cleverness.

Brows will be furrowed, analyses undertaken, theses written. It may become a cliché to speak of our generation as having enacted a further chapter to Knox’s Enthusiasm. The ghost of Abbot Joachim was walking again, and we were restless for a new Pentecost in the fullest sense, impatient with the mixed and imperfect character of the Son’s dispensation; and with these things came the inevitable antinomian tendency, leading good men to propose obscenities in the name of love. More generally, we showed a remarkable lack of interest in balance, in trimming the boat. The ark had certainly been listing to starboard for a few centuries, a situation that called for some balancing action, tempered and cautious; but when this fact was officially admitted we smelt a trend, an intoxicating prospect of change, and we all crowded across to port in high excitement. The ark tilted the other way, and more sharply; many of us climbed and swung on the port railings, each trying to be further out than his neighbour; some gazed longingly overboard, in love with visionary calentures, privately suspecting that we could now walk upon water and needed this shabby old tub no more.

This imbalance, this fretful one-sidedness, will be capable of endless illustration. Theologically, we shall seem to have gone absurdly far in a Pelagian direction; and all the more so if our descendants have been driven the other way by the grief and pressure of events, and have come to remember that this religion of the Resurrection starts with the Cross, has evil and suffering and death as its raw material, its prime subject-matter. In other and particular matters, great and small, we shall be remembered as a generation that saw only one side of things. We loved “becoming” and hated “being”: We cherished the idea of an emergent and evolutionary Christianity, and looked in some apathy upon the faith once delivered to the saints. We stressed the priesthood of all believers and played down the particularity of order; we indulged a passion of ecumenicism, and hushed up the painful fact that schism and heresy are still sins. We wanted the Church’s outward seeming to reflect the poverty of Christ, never his majesty. We stressed the spiritual and symbolic, at the expense of gross incarnational fact: Hence, we played down the material element in morality, the ex opere operato aspect of the sacraments, the biological purpose of sex, the concrete burden of the historic Church. We asserted freedom, at the expense of responsibility; we asserted the corporate aspect of worship so overwhelmingly as to suggest that the individual had somehow ceased to carry his own conscience, that prayer and (especially) fasting had become back numbers. We cheerfully asserted the goodness of the world, seldom its taint, its spoiling, its death wish: We were always ready to judge the Church by the world’s standard, reluctant to do the opposite.

Among these various riddles that our one-sidedness will offer to historical curiosity, this last matter—of the Church and the world—will perhaps stand out in some eminence. This mid-twentieth century will have gone on record as a time of great scriptural revival: How then was it possible (men will ask) that we should so energetically play down that theme most dominant all through the Bible? Were we too democratically-minded to relish such images as the ark, the faithful remnant, the chosen people? Did we smell apartheid in any distinction between wheat and cockle, between the eatable fish and the nasty, caught in the same net? The scholars will frown, baffled: The records show no great threat of Manichaeanism, needing to be countered by a simple insistence on the world’s goodness. Had we forgotten about original sin, the Kingdom not of this world, the sharp sundering and reorientation of our baptism? Did it cause us no disquiet that our own excitement about aggiornamento and the Council should have been shared and echoed so approvingly by a world indifferent to Christ? Had the siege really been lifted? Perhaps we had lost our nerve: It was certainly a daunting commission, that we should teach all nations and call them to repent, to be different. In a world longing for peace and tolerance, such fighting talk seemed out of place; it would make for a quieter life if we appeared content to listen to all nations, to offer sympathetic and constructive echoes of whatever they happened to be saying already, to play down that old imperialistic claim that Christ is with us in special, unique, and necessary fashion.

Those scholars of the future will be disposed, in charity, not to interpret our present behaviour in simple terms of weakened faith; and they will presumably be on their guard against the mistake of judging the whole Church by the published writings of an intellectual minority—a minority tending to be “moved by the slightest breath of modern opinion” (as Pope Paul said recently), and notably vocal. Making all such allowances, they may still detect in the Church of our time a certain gullibility, a readiness to take things too easily at their face value. Our modern world (as they will see more clearly) was frantic with uncertainty, with lack of purpose and direction: It whistled in the dark, therefore, tried to reassure itself in loud desperation, thumped its chest and roared. And we Christians stood by, awe-stricken, as though we were in the presence of something formidable and assured; we gave anxious promises of sympathy and collaboration, when the thing sought and needed was escape; we showed our fellow-feeling for the drowning man by jumping into the water along with him. The hungry sheep looked up and were not fed: We assured them, in the best contemporary vernacular, that feeling hungry was a vital and significant part of the twentieth-century experience.

So it may seem, at least to that future student who concentrates his attention upon what our intellectuals were saying, our charientes, our periti: their intrusive and domineering voices audible even at the highest level. To one more theologically inclined, the decisive factor may seem to be our unbalanced attention to God’s immanence, our lack of concern for his transcendence. In psychological terms, it will be easy enough to trace back to this habit of mind a certain poverty in our basic religious sense—a lack of pietas, a shrivelled sense of creaturely awe before the numinous. Given that situation, it will seem natural (though infinitely sad) that we should maul the holy liturgy so rudely, that our new churches should be built smart and heartless, that we should chatter so brightly and forget silence, that we should carry on in general as though the following of Christ crucified had been restyled into an exciting gay adventure for getaway people.

Verbum Domini manet, as we were reminded in that same address of Pope Paul, given before the Curia in April; and at any time, the reform of the spirit must have an importance that quite overshadows all outward and secondary kinds of conversio morum, though these may be more exhilarating, more newsworthy, better fun in every way. The Church goes rocking and floating down the centuries, always imperfect, seeming (in the infinite patience of God) to get nowhere at all: an ark that makes for no obvious harbour, having only the task of staying afloat until the waters subside so that drowning men may be helped aboard, certain to disappoint those who want the thrill of a speedboat trip. We are told of the fullness and the Second Coming, but of the nature of these things and their relation to the historical process we have no idea whatever: In the only sense that our imaginations can grasp, the task starts all over again with every baptism, every birth, and reaches its eschatological consummation on every deathbed. Reforms and backslidings and developments there will be, distantly touching the individual in ways not easy to assess: For the most part, our Christian life will always be an uphill carrying of the Cross, its terms not varying in any important way between one century and another. Those who whip up excitement, teaching men to expect otherwise, bear a heavy responsibility. There is still only one thing necessary, we still have no hope but the Cross, and the Promised Land is where it always was, over the hills and far away.
 

Whiskeyjack

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Canon lawyer Ed Condon just published an article in The Catholic Herald about how recent attempts to undermine sacramental discipline via appeals to Amoris Laetitia are just a prelude to a serious attack on Humanae Vitae in this coming year:

Which brings me to the reason I am predicting that the debates around Amoris Laetitia will come to an end in 2018. The reason is not that the Communion issue will be resolved, but that the faction will move on to their real agenda. This year will mark the 50th anniversary of the issuing of Humanae Vitae, Pope Paul VI’s affirmation of the dignity of human sexuality, and the intrinsic and unbreakable link between the unitive and procreative aspects of the sexual act.

Last year the National Catholic Register’s Edward Pentin quoted a “well-respected Church figure” as telling him during the 2014 family synod: “Of course, you realise this is all about Humanae Vitae. That’s what I think they’re after. That is their goal.” Pentin says the current mood in Rome suggests his source knew what she was talking about. I have to agree with him: the efforts to “interpret” Amoris Laetitia and the Church’s teaching on the indissolubility of marriage will prove to have been a mere dress rehearsal for an all-out assault upon Pope Paul’s great encyclical.

At the time of the cultural and sexual revolution, the Church spoke powerfully and prophetically against the inevitable consequences of what was happening. In the last half-century, Paul VI’s encyclical has proven ever more prescient and relevant. It is a bitterly comical irony that, just as wider society is beginning to wake up to the consequences of a sexual ethic based solely on consent and the pursuit of personal fulfilment, the Church is having to defend herself against those within who deny not just the Church’s teaching, but the last 50 years of history which have so convincingly vindicated it.

Also in The Catholic Herald, Harvard law professor Adrian Vermeule published an article titled "As secular liberalism attacks the Church, Catholics can't afford to be nostalgic":

As a Christian cakemaker required to make a custom cake for a same-sex wedding, in violation of his religious beliefs? That is the issue in a case currently before the US Supreme Court. The case looks like yet another major clash between the forces of secular progressive liberalism and their Christian targets. And yet some Christians are so optimistic as to hope for a truce. For instance, the New York Times’ Ross Douthat has appealed to Justice Anthony Kennedy, who as so often will almost certainly cast the deciding vote. Despite Kennedy’s record – he composed the 2015 Obergefell decision which divined a right of same-sex marriage in the Constitution – Douthat hopes that the judge will vote to protect the baker, and so bring about some peace, of uncertain duration, between liberalism and Christianity.

In so doing, Douthat illustrates a pervasive tendency among Catholic intellectuals today: the temptation of nostalgia. He casts a wistful glance backwards, to a time in which secular progressive liberalism and what he calls “religious conservatism” peacefully coexisted. When exactly? One candidate is the period just before the Supreme Court’s same-sex marriage decision, but it seems likely that by 2014 it was already too late to disband the competing forces. A better candidate is 1950-70, which Douthat believes future historians will identify as the glorious peak of the American polity. Douthat is slightly coy about whether he thinks these future historians will be correct, but it is clear that he thinks something went very wrong in American life in the 1970s, and that Hugh Hefner played an important role. One can see why 1950-1970 would appeal to a certain strain of traditional Catholic. The immediate postwar period was a time in which Catholics peacefully coexisted with the liberal Imperium, and indeed became increasingly integrated into it, helping to elect a quasi-Catholic President. Anthony Kennedy is no John F Kennedy, as it were, but in Douthat’s view “you appeal to the emperor you have.”

In this hope that a stable equilibrium of accommodation between Catholicism and the liberal state can be preserved, if only by a benevolent proconsul, Douthat is hardly alone. Even Catholics who self-identify as “trad(itionalist)” often yearn for accommodation and co-existence between Catholicism and the liberal state. In a striking number of cases, as in Douthat’s, this takes the form of longing for some past era. (Whether the qualities attributed to that era are in fact accurate is tangential to my points here).

The historical benchmark varies. The Paris Statement, a recent declaration by philosophers (some of them Catholic) harks back to a postwar Europe of Christian liberal democracy, before the conflicts among Christianity, liberalism and democracy became painfully apparent. For Commentary’s Sohrab Ahmari, one possible benchmark era is the later 1980s and early 1990s. In those years St John Paul II (the “Apostle of Human Freedom”, as Ahmari calls him), Reagan and Thatcher bestrode the world stage, defeating Communism and ushering in an era of neoconservative (one might say neoliberal) governance, centring on “free” markets and the promotion of “freedom” globally. To his credit, Ahmari acknowledges that liberals face major questions which they may be unable to answer (and he forcefully rejects theological liberalism). But he nevertheless seems to hanker for a time when liberal democracy and Christianity were at peace.

Others do not explicitly identify a preferred historical era, but nevertheless try to preserve some pre-existing truce between Christianity and liberalism. Rusty Reno, the editor of First Things, would like to distinguish “liberalism as creed”, on the one hand, from “liberalism as tradition” on the other, and adhere to the latter even while abjuring the former. Reno would like to keep certain liberal customs and institutions while avoiding all the disruption that occurs when liberalism imposes its ideological views on recalcitrant populations.

In my view, these views all rest upon wishful thinking. There is no reason to think that a stable, long-term rapprochement between Catholicism and the liberal state is realistically feasible, whether or not it would be desirable; nor should Catholics allow themselves to become ultimately attached to any particular time, place or human political order.

To begin with, liberalism cannot ultimately tolerate the accommodation in principle while remaining true to itself, whatever Catholics might hope. Reno’s distinction between creedal and traditional liberalism illustrates the problem. In Episcopalian institutions, it is common to hear the Creed downplayed in favour of tradition and liturgy (“lex orandi, lex credendi”). The problem is that the liturgy itself includes a solemn affirmation of the Creed. There is then no escape from taking a stand on the truth or falsity of the Creed’s substantive commitments. Reno, like me a former Episcopalian, falls into a version of this same problem, mutatis mutandis. Liberalism, too, of course has robust substantive commitments, much as it might pretend otherwise. The “tradition” of liberalism, really an anti-tradition, is founded on that substantive creed and cannot coherently even be identified, let alone followed, without entering into those anti-traditionalist ideas and sympathetically interpreting and applying them. Doing so will inevitably amount to a reaffirmation of the liberal creed. Put differently, as I have argued elsewhere, the main “tradition” of liberalism is in fact a liturgy, centred on a sacramental celebration of the progressive overcoming of the darkness of bigotry and unreason. To participate in that tradition, that liturgy, is necessarily and inescapably to commune with and be caught up into a particular substantive view of time, history, world and the sacred – the liberal view.

To be sure, even if liberalism cannot accept the accommodation in principle, perhaps there can be an indefinite truce, a pragmatic equilibrium of political and social forces. It takes two to make a truce, however, or else a higher third power who restrains unilateral aggression – a katechon for the liberal state. In our actual situation, neither condition obtains. The forces of secular progressive liberalism – which span both major political parties – make no secret of what they would like to do to believing Catholics. One Harvard law professor urged his fellow-liberals to reject wide-ranging “religious liberty” protections over LGBT issues because “taking a hard line (‘You lost, live with it’) is better than trying to accommodate the losers … [a]nd taking a hard line seemed to work reasonably well in Germany and Japan after 1945.” (He later offered an unconvincing reinterpretation of his own statements). During the Obama presidency, the then Solicitor General of the US acknowledged that Christian institutions could lose their tax exemptions over their doctrinal stances.

Given these open statements of aggressive and punitive intent it would be foolish to expect forbearance. And, given the course of events since Douthat’s cutoff date of 1970, in which secular progressive liberalism has expanded in power and aggression with almost every passing year, it would also be foolish to trust that those forces will not again be in the ascendancy, with the capacity to bring decisive force to bear. The Trump administration, crippled by moral compromises, almost certainly amounts to merely a temporary respite. Douthat betrays a misunderstanding of political science when he puts his trust in the law and the judiciary in general and Kennedy in particular. Sooner or later, and probably sooner, political control over judicial appointments means that judicial views will inevitably be brought into conformity with the views of the wider society, which in the America of 2018 are increasingly dismissive of central tenets of Catholic doctrine. Even the current “conservative” majority on the Court will not last forever; and again, just such a majority produced Obergefell in the first place – such is the power of social conformism. It is not a matter of whether a serious conflict between the liberal state and the Catholic faith will occur, but of when, and how bad it will be.

This conflict, while certainly not to be desired or sought out, has the salutary side-effect of reminding Catholics that nostalgia for the lost harmony of the liberal order is a theological error. Catholics should not become too enamoured of the traditions and practices of a particular locality, polity or period; there should be no Catholic “theology of place” and, correlatively, no Catholic nostalgia for lost place and time. It’s not just that you can’t go home again; it’s that for Catholics, whatever place and time is at issue was never truly home in the first place. The great theme of 1 Peter’s political theory is that Catholics are sojourners, exiles, refugees, not ultimately at home in the world or (a fortiori) in any worldly regime, short of the Eternal City. Roger Scruton’s typically Anglican attempt to elevate nostalgia into a principle, in his 2017 book Where We Are, reveals the crucial mistake. “Turning for home,” Scruton writes, “is not an escape from the world but an affirmation of it.” For Catholics, by contrast, “affirmation of the world” is hardly an ideal. Catholic integralism rightly holds out hope for a political regime ordered proximately to the common good and ultimately to the Divine, and also allows for compromises with non-ideal orders. Yet these provisional orders, however desirable, are never to be confused with the Eternal City itself.

Why are self-described “trad” Catholics prone to nostalgia? The typical mistake is to conflate the traditions of the Church with the traditions of the broader society. These are very different things; the Church is an ark afloat on a dangerous sea, which preserves its own internal traditions in part with walls that prevent it from being deluged by secular practices and mores. 1 Peter thus connects Catholic rootlessness and homelessness with a rejection of human political traditions, enjoining Catholics to “live out the time of your exile here in reverent awe, for you know that the price of your ransom from the futile way of life handed down from your ancestors was paid, not in anything perishable like silver or gold, but in precious blood …” Catholicism is not Burkeanism. Because Catholics are exiled in the world, they can ultimately have no attachment to man’s places and traditions, including political traditions. They can have no final affection for the misty English landscape that always stands just behind Scruton’s prose, for Reno’s polite distinction of liberal tradition and liberal creed, for the bipartisan fedora-hatted governance of Douthat’s postwar golden age, or even for Ahmari’s era of the triumph (albeit short-lived) of liberal democratic freedom after 1989.

Ahmari acidly mocks a certain strand of Catholic integralism as “hobbit village” nostalgia. In this Ahmari is partly unfair (the rural village and the integral City are very different ideals) but partly correct. After the collapse of the postwar rapprochement with liberalism, integral Catholicism can only go forward, with the hope of translating the old principles into new settings and institutional forms, creating an altogether new order. But Ahmari, like Douthat, Reno, Scruton and the authors of the Paris Statement, ought to apply that same acid-wash to his own nostalgic views as well.
 

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Canon lawyer Ed Condon just published an article in The Catholic Herald about how recent attempts to undermine sacramental discipline via appeals to Amoris Laetitia are just a prelude to a serious attack on Humanae Vitae in this coming year:



Also in The Catholic Herald, Harvard law professor Adrian Vermeule published an article titled "As secular liberalism attacks the Church, Catholics can't afford to be nostalgic":

One thought? The author makes this statement:

"Why are self-described “trad” Catholics prone to nostalgia? The typical mistake is to conflate the traditions of the Church with the traditions of the broader society."

It seems funny to single out "trads" for criticism in this regard. The trad Catholics he discusses (whether or not they are good examples of traditional Catholicism) are looking for points in history where the uneasy truce between liberalism and Catholicism existed for clues regarding how to reclaim it. But I think they see the conflict.

But it seems to me almost all non-trad Catholics seem to assume that the liberalism and Catholicism can co-exist and that we should, in fact, be fighting for a liberal world order in the political realm.

Who does the author see as correctly setting the course?
 

Whiskeyjack

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One thought? The author makes this statement:

"Why are self-described “trad” Catholics prone to nostalgia? The typical mistake is to conflate the traditions of the Church with the traditions of the broader society."

It seems funny to single out "trads" for criticism in this regard. The trad Catholics he discusses (whether or not they are good examples of traditional Catholicism) are looking for points in history where the uneasy truce between liberalism and Catholicism existed for clues regarding how to reclaim it. But I think they see the conflict.

But it seems to me almost all non-trad Catholics seem to assume that the liberalism and Catholicism can co-exist and that we should, in fact, be fighting for a liberal world order in the political realm.

Who does the author see as correctly setting the course?

Vermeule thinks they are all three making the same error in different ways (as illustrated by their preferences for separate "golden ages"). His position is that liberalism is fundamentally incompatible with Christianity, and that without first coming to grips with that tension, Catholics are bound to deform their faith by confusing the traditions of the Church with contingent cultural markers of a specific time and place.
 

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Canon lawyer Ed Condon just published an article in The Catholic Herald about how recent attempts to undermine sacramental discipline via appeals to Amoris Laetitia are just a prelude to a serious attack on Humanae Vitae in this coming year:
This is far too charitable to Francis. Amoris Laetitia says what it says. It's not some kind of rogue liberal faction perverting the message of Amoris Laetitia for nefarious purposes. The message is clear.
 

Whiskeyjack

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This is far too charitable to Francis. Amoris Laetitia says what it says. It's not some kind of rogue liberal faction perverting the message of Amoris Laetitia for nefarious purposes. The message is clear.

Also from Ed Condon, a slightly older article titled "Don't buy fake agendas; defend the Pope!":

Successfully convincing huge swathes of the Church that the pope is in favor of the very things he has condemned, while the evidence to the contrary is there for all to see, is the result of an incredibly brazen slight of hand, unwittingly abetted by the pope’s indifference to television and the internet. It has sown division and discord across the Church. There needs to be an urgent and unflinching response, one which takes true filial pride in the real papal magisterium and uses it to confront those who knowingly abuse the name and authority of Pope Francis and Vatican Council II for their own ends.
 

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PJ Smith just published an article in First Things titled "Paul VI in 2018":

In this sense, Christians have Paul VI and Humanae Vitae to thank for what is, for many, their primary political orientation. Even now, after other fronts have opened up in our battles over sexual morality, the pro-life question remains central for American Christians. In 2016, Christians who expressed concerns about Donald Trump’s qualifications, moral and otherwise, for the presidency were told that Trump would appoint pro-life judges who would begin rolling back the line of cases stretching from Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt all the way back to Roe. More recently, Roy Moore’s candidacy for U.S. Senate was advanced, in part, with arguments that Moore would be a reliable vote for pro-life judicial nominees. Humanae Vitae laid the foundation for these political imperatives.

Had Paul opened the door to contraception, the modernists and progressives would have pushed the door farther open, using a specious understanding of development of doctrine. This is what happened in the Anglican Communion after the Lambeth Conference of 1930, and one sees signs that it is happening in the Catholic Church today.

Romanus Cessario, OP published an article in First Things titled, "Non Possumus":

No one who considers the Mortara affair can fail to be moved by its natural dimensions. It is a grievous thing to sever familial bonds. But the honor we give to mother and father will be imperfect if we do not render a higher honor to God above. Christ’s authority perfects all natural institutions—the family as well as the state. This is why he said that he came bearing a sword that would sunder father and son. One’s judgment of Pius will depend on one’s acceptance of Christ’s claim.

Pius’s simple words—non possumus—were first used in the early fourth century when Diocletian ordered the destruction of Christian Scriptures and churches and forbade Christian liturgies. A group of forty-nine Christians in the African city of Abitinae were found to have disobeyed this command by meeting for the Eucharist in the house of a man named Emeritus. When asked why they had disobeyed the emperor’s command, Emeritus said, “Sine dominico non possumus”—“We cannot live without this thing of the Lord.” Because they had given to God what was God’s, Caesar killed them. Down through the ages and under many different circumstances, Christians have confounded the world by insisting on the reality of the Lord’s things.

Those examining the Mortara case today are left with a final question: Should putative civil liberties trump the requirements of faith? We should be grateful if that question does not become pressing, but we cannot assume it will not. Christians who are tempted to side with the enlightened critics of Pio Nono should examine how much they themselves prize the gifts of supernatural grace that ennoble human nature.

Spielberg is currently producing a film adaptation about the Mortara case which will undoubtedly cast the Church in a negative light, so you might consider familiarizing yourself with it ahead of time.

But the only article I'll share in full toward comes from Brandon McGinley in Fare Forward titled "Detachment Parenting":

My family didn’t decide to become Christmas-and-Easter Catholics. Like any transformation of regular habits, it was slow enough that there was no noticeable rupture—no moment when it felt like our lives had substantially changed. In every present moment, everything felt normal; only in retrospect was it clear how different “normal” had become.

It began with the simple notion that we could skip Mass if we were throwing a party on Saturday evening. Party preparations occupied our normal Mass time, and then clean-up and recovery occupied (so we said) Sunday. Surely God would understand.

Of course, once we had abandoned the principle that weekly Mass was obligatory it took less and less pressure on our weekend schedule to overwrite religious concerns. Soon enough the default option had shifted and the weekend had to be particularly free for us to accommodate Mass. And by the time I went off to college we had retreated all the way to biannual Mass-going.

I returned to the sacraments in college—how that came to pass is a story for another time—and since then I have been blessed to go continually deeper into the intellectual, liturgical, and experiential tradition of the Catholic Church. This journey hasn’t been without detours and there have been moments of uncertainty, but I know that I understand what it means to be Catholic, in a comprehensive way, more than I did in those honeymoon months—and I have a lifetime of journeying to go.

It is in this context that I have also undergone a political transformation—or, I prefer to think, an awakening to ways of thinking about our common life that are more conducive to what I’ve always valued most: family, tradition, virtue. This has meant a reevaluation of the ideology and practice of capitalism and of political liberalism more generally; it has meant stepping away from the prevailing orthodoxies of American politics; and it has therefore meant getting accustomed to experimenting with ideas, especially about the proper role of the Church in civil affairs, that are considered radical and even contemptible by mainstream Americans.

Needless to say, this political exploration has been informed by the treasury that is the Catholic tradition of political and social thought. But it has also been informed—and here is what I would like to stress—by the experience of family life. My wife and I have been blessed with three children, aged four years to ten months, and I’ve found that considering their futures has only confirmed my interest in abandoning mainstream political thinking.

The popular expectation, of course, is that fatherhood reorients men away from the abstract and toward the concrete. The gauzy ideals of youth fade into the hard realities of managing family life—earning paychecks (we are to fixate on this), paying taxes (we are to hate this), saving for college (we are to be frightened by this), and so on. Heretofore underappreciated social values—stability, order, opportunity—rise to prominence in fatherhood as dads regard with apprehension the roles their children will play in society.

In short, dads are supposed to become more conservative, at least in the American sense of that word: more committed to sustaining the enlightened liberalism of the Founders, more invested in the efficient functioning of capitalism, and more suspicious of immoderation, instability, and extra-procedural political agitation of any kind. All of this is said to be the inevitable result of the natural concern a father has for his children’s future; it is, we are told, the mature political disposition.

Let’s briefly observe here that fatherhood is not a mystical force that gives one special insights into political economy. There is no “Dad Gnosis” that reveals the supremacy of Burkeanism. All the ideas mentioned above should rise and fall on their own reasonableness, not paternal authority; attempts to marshal that authority in discourse are merely attempts to obscure one’s substantive claims about politics, economics, and the common good.

Now, it would be foolish to claim that fatherhood changes nothing about how a man views the world. But that experience is just as likely to obscure certain truths about political economy as it is to reveal them. For instance, having a family of one’s own likely makes it harder to internalize the Thomistic view, articulated most famously by Charles de Koninck, that the common good of more universal communities is a more perfect good than that of less universal communities, including the family. Beautifully, however, these goods do not conflict, but rather build each other up. Contrast this with the prevailing notion, among not just political conservatives but most moderns, that the good of the family is both superior to and in conflict with the good of the larger community. While this stance is certainly connected with the experience of responsibility for little souls, it is also deeply ideological, not to mention wrong.

But I hadn’t yet read de Koninck when it became clear that fatherhood was radicalizing me rather than moderating me. The reason for that goes back to my memories of losing the habit of weekly Mass, of spending years away, of then slowly reacquiring the habit, of receiving the Eucharist improperly because I was too embarrassed not to but also too embarrassed to go to Confession, and then of finally being reinstated in the friendship of God. I now reevaluate my own biography in terms of that long detour: For instance, my warm memories of high school, which are surprisingly numerous, are now darkened by the knowledge that those years marked the nadir of my faith.

I could name any number of vices that proliferated in my self-imposed exile from the Church, but the most important corruption of character that wedged me away from the Church and inhibited my return was attachment—to worldly goods, to worldly success, and, most poignantly, to worldly respect. We first stopped practicing the faith in order to accommodate worldly concerns; in high school I harangued an Evangelical friend for his unashamed belief in Christ knowing I would benefit socially from distinguishing myself from him; and even as I returned to Mass I couldn’t bear simply to pray silently during Communion for fear of being seen as a Public Sinner.

While we focus—and rightly so—on the challenges posed by our sexual culture, attachment may be the distinctive antagonist of faithfulness in the modern world. Its corrosion is quiet and subtle, but if left alone it will eventually leave behind nothing but a worldly void; it always reminds us of the costs of holiness, and in so doing raises them. Further, attachment often underlies the more spectacular vices with which we do battle.

And so when I think about my children’s future, I can’t be made to care very much whether the economic and political situation will be conducive to their material thriving. I say this first of all because there is next to nothing meaningful I can do to arrange the future of political economy, but more importantly because, in the order of salvation, their worldly success is really quite low on my list of responsibilities. I have seen how quickly and diabolically even a moderate attachment to worldly concerns erodes the deposit of faith in the formative years, and I know how lucky and blessed I was to find myself in a situation, ordained by God, that pulled me home. It very well might have been otherwise.

My fatherly duty isn’t to get my children into good colleges or to prepare them for the “modern economy,” but to get them into heaven. In a civilization more devoted every day to Moloch and mammon, those aims are increasingly at odds with one another. But even when they do not conflict, I remember the way attachment works; I remember how it begins with pursuing worldly goods that are often truly good, or at least not in direct conflict with sanctification; and I remember how this apparently benign attempt to accommodate our worldly reality metastasizes beyond our designs or control.

And so my view is that I will prepare my children best for an increasingly corrupted culture by focusing on passing down the Faith without compromise. I will do what I can to set them up to succeed in a society and an economy that change every day and increasingly disdain the needs and dignity of actual human beings, but my aim is to leave absolutely no doubt about the hierarchy of goods in the order of salvation. I would rather see them poor and powerless than successful and damned, and they should never for a moment think otherwise.

Therefore I see no reason to accommodate the Faith to liberalism—to mute the Church’s claims to universal authority, to downplay the most inconvenient aspects of Her social teaching, to form compromising alliances for the sake of power in the present order. Even if this could all be accomplished shrewdly through emphases and implications without sacrificing an iota of the substance of the Faith, it would still be doubtlessly an accommodation that contains the seed of attachment. It teaches those being formed in the Faith, especially young people, that part of being Catholic is not getting too crosswise with the prevailing order; but whatever goods may emerge from that disposition in liberty and power, they are not worth the cost in faithfulness. The forbearance of a hostile order is of little value if the price is the authenticity of our witness.

I don’t blame my parents for the loss of faithfulness that marked my teenage years. I don’t just say this out of filial piety; American Catholicism, both institutionally and among the laity, has downplayed or outright denied dissonance between the Church and the world for at least the past few generations. To the extent this was ever tenable, it certainly is not any longer. Once we become accustomed to a degree of worldly attachment—often with at least implied official sanction—we naturally follow the world when its wisdom departs from the Church’s. My story is, therefore, not just a personal one, but the story of the Church across the West, and especially in America.

The way out is to embrace the radicalism of Christ wherever it leads. Nothing has convinced me of this more than the weight of the responsibility of fatherhood.
 
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