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As noted previously, Alaska under Graham-Cassidy will get higher subsides per person than the rest of the states and that the Alaska governor has opposed G-C. Both Alaska Senators have not disclosed how they will vote.

Interestingly, Alaska premiums for in its individual market will drop by 26.5 percent on average in 2018, slightly more than expected.

This decrease is due to
both a significant reduction in the use of medical services from its customers and the state's reinsurance program.

In the reinsurance program, Alaska put $55 million toward propping up the individual market. That money was later reimbursed by the federal government — a move that has garnered national attention for Alaska as other states look to reduce their own premium costs.

As of May, 16,732 Alaskans were on Premera's metallic plans on the individual market. Ninety-three percent of them are eligible for some level of subsidy to reduce their monthly premiums, according to the Alaska Division of Insurance.

The decrease is slightly larger than what Premera originally filed because the company didn't initially assume that it would receive cost sharing revenue from the federal government.

Premera is Alaska's largest insurance provider and the only one left on the state's individual market. In 2015, three insurance companies abandoned the market, followed last year by Moda Health.

For 2015 and and 2016 plans, Premera's individual rates jumped about 40 percent. In 2017, after the implementation of the state's reinsurance program, rates rose only 7 percent.

Whether the block subsidies will compensate for the loss of federal funding based on income would need further analysis, which cannot be done prior to the Senate vote. Obviously, without any federal subsidies, Alaskan's premiums could jump back up 26% as Premera estimated.

Medicaid’s Role in Alaska (Kaiser Family Foundation Fact Sheet)
 
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As noted in the prior post, Alaskans were able to decrease their premiums by 26.5% mainly by paying for a reinsurance program, initially funded by the state, which was later reimbursed by the federal government. That helped stabilize the health insurance marketplace, but required a waiver from the federal government.
The reinsurance program would’ve created a pool of money to reimburse insurers for unexpected high costs on the exchange .

After repeated failures of health care bills in the Senate, Trump's statement that they would let the Affordable Care Act "implode" and subsequent shorting of the enrollment period, and cutting funds for publicizing enrollment and for navigators to assist applicants, the Administration did not follow through on its promise to grant Oklahoma a similar waiver. Oklahoma is blaming the Trump admin for 130,000 Oklahomans who will see an expected 30% rise in premiums for participants - the difference between premium rates with the waiver and now without the reinsurance program.

Plan to Stabilize Oklahoma’s Health Care Marketplace Collapses (Oklahoma Watch)

A state-commissioned report projected the reinsurance program could reduce premiums on the exchange by up to 35 percent. That could entice an extra 5,000 to 15,000 Oklahomans to enroll in the marketplace and get health care they otherwise likely would go without. Many of them qualify for few or no tax-credit premium subsidies because their incomes are too high.

Oklahoma in August requested a decision on the waiver by Sept. 29 in order for it to take effect for the 2018 plan year.

(Oklahoma Secretary of Health and Human Services Terry) Cline wrote in the letter (to U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price) that there was a preliminary agreed-upon approval package with the federal government that was circulating last week. And he wrote there was a “federal department promise” that the waiver would be approved Sept. 25.

But he wrote that the federal government, “with no reason for the delay,” sent notice Monday that there would be no approval at that time. Since Blue Cross Blue Shield of Oklahoma – the only insurer providing coverage in Oklahoma on the federal exchange for individual plans – needed to a meet rate-filing deadline, Cline wrote that it is no longer possible for it to take effect for next year.

He continued that “the lack of timely waiver approval will prevent thousands of Oklahomans from realizing the benefits of significantly lower insurance premiums in 2018.”

Cline didn’t assign a motive in his letter for the administration not fulfilling its promise to approve the waiver on time. And he said the state will continue to seek waivers for future years that could give it flexibility to stabilize the marketplace.

But the state’s waiver application shows that the trend of higher premiums and fewer Oklahomans receiving coverage will continue for the time being.

“If the (reinsurance) program is not implemented, premiums will continue to rise, which will in turn reduce enrollment as more individuals are priced out of the market,” Oklahoma’s application stated. “Increased premiums also will likely promote adverse selection, as the individuals who continue to purchase increasingly expensive coverage will likely be those who utilize a higher number of healthcare services.”

Reinsurance is one of the few health-care cost-control strategies championed by both liberals and conservatives.

The Affordable Care Act assessed fees on most insurers across the county from 2014 to 2016 to pay for the state's share of reinsurance. This was designed to create a pool of money to reimburse insurers for high costs on the exchange. Tom Price was an advocate of the state reinsurance programs. Oklahoma, who has had difficulties in balancing their budget, would pay for the program by assessing a fee of $5 per member of all residents in all health insurance programs. Should the expected drop in enrollment in the ACA happen, the state will need to budget for higher costs due to uncompensated health care on top of current budget shortfalls, which is projected to be $878 million for the upcoming year.

The success of the state reinsurance programs by Alaska and Minnesota encouraged a number of other states like Oklahoma to also apply for similar waivers from Trump's HHS Dept.

While the Oklahoma State Department of Health saw only a 2.8% budget decrease this past year, their cumulative annual reduction in state appropriation to the OSDH since 2009 is 29.24 percent. Those figures are independent of further cuts that could be made to meet the current budget shortfall.OSDH announced unpaid furloughs of one day every two weeks for employees whose annual salaries are greater than $35,000. Federal block grants for Medicaid to the state would need to be managed by a smaller department. Voluntary Out Benefit Offers are being prepared to offer all state employees
 
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Time's up: As CHIP expires unrenewed, Congress blows a chance to save healthcare for 9 million children
Advocates for children’s health started worrying months ago that congressional incompetence would jeopardize the nation’s one indisputable healthcare success — the Children’s Health Insurance Program, which has reduced the uninsured rate among kids to 5% from 14% over the two decades of its existence.

Their fears turned out to be true. Funding for CHIP runs out on Saturday, and no vote on reestablishing the program’s $15-billion appropriation is expected for at least a week, probably longer. That’s the case even though CHIP is one of the few federal programs that has enjoyed unalloyed bipartisan support since its inception in 1997. The consequences will be dire in many states, which will have to curtail or even shut down their children’s health programs until funding is restored. Hanging in the balance is care for 9 million children and pregnant women in low-income households.
Comparison of Key Provisions in the Senate and House CHIP Bills (KFF)
The Senate Finance Committee and the House Energy and Commerce Committee each have scheduled a mark-up on October 4, 2017 on separate bills to extend funding for the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP). CHIP was established in 1997 with bipartisan support and allows states to cover children in families that earn too much to qualify for Medicaid but cannot access or afford private insurance. Every state has a CHIP program, and nearly all states cover children at least up to 200% of the federal poverty level ($40,840/year for a family of 3 in 2017). CHIP covered nearly 9 million children in 2016, and, together with Medicaid, has helped reduce the uninsured rate for children to a record low of 5%.

Compare key provisions in the House and Senate bills to extend funding for #CHIP

The federal government matches state CHIP spending up to an annual limit, but federal funding for CHIP expired on September 30, 2017. Without action by Congress, the majority of states will face an FY2018 budget shortfall. As of late summer 2017, 10 states anticipated that they would exhaust CHIP funds by the end of 2017, and 32 states projected running out of funds by March, 2018. As states run out of federal funds, some will take action to freeze enrollment or end coverage, which would lead to coverage losses for children.

Which States Are Hit Hardest By Failure To Fund Children’s Health Program (TPM)
 
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The Facts on Medicare Spending and Financing (KFF)
Key Facts
-Medicare spending was 15 percent of total federal spending in 2016, and is projected to rise to 17.5 percent by 2027.
-The Medicare Hospital Insurance (Part A) trust fund is projected to be depleted in 2029, one year later than the 2016 projection.
-Medicare’s actuaries project that the Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB) process will be triggered for the first time in 2021, four years later than their 2016 forecast.
-The share of Medicare benefit spending on hospital inpatient services fell by one-third between 2006 and 2016, while spending on Medicare Advantage private health plans doubled.
-Average annual growth in Medicare per capita spending growth was 1.3 percent between 2010 and 2016, down from 7.4 percent between 2000 and 2010.
-Medicare per capita spending is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 4.5 percent over the next ten years, slightly lower than the growth rate for private insurance.

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BREAKING: CBO: Alexander-Murray will lower premiums, provide rebates to consumers in 2018, and lower the deficit.

In other words, Republicans are going to vote no.
 

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Award winning investigative articles on the insurance industry and relationship with state insurance commissions

Drinks, dinners, junkets and jobs: how the insurance industry courts state commissioners
Center probe reveals cozy relationships, revolving doors and shady financial ties
(Center for Public Integrity)

Insurers give big to races determining their regulators
Industry pumps more than $6 million into efforts aimed at swaying 12 races


The Center has won two Pulitzer Prizes and numerous other investigative journalism awards.
 
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Maine voters approve expanding Medicaid under Obamacare (Politico)
Some 80,000 adults will qualify under the expansion, according to independent estimates from a Maine legislative fiscal office.

Maine voters on Tuesday delivered a strong rebuke to their governor by approving an expansion of the state’s Medicaid program under Obamacare — the first time state voters have directly authorized such an expansion.

The vote makes Maine the 32nd state to agree to expand Medicaid to thousands of low-income adults who qualify for coverage and represents a major setback for Republican Gov. Paul LePage, an ally of President Donald Trump who vetoed expansion bills on five occasions. The measure was winning 59 percent to 41 percent with roughly two-thirds of precincts reporting as of 10 p.m., according to the Associated Press, just weeks after Republicans in Congress failed in their efforts to repeal the health care law.

Activists are already trying to get look-alike initiatives approved for the 2018 ballot in states including Utah and Idaho, to bypass state legislators hostile to the Obamacare program that sank past efforts. That dynamic has also squashed Medicaid expansion efforts in Tennessee, Wyoming and South Dakota, where GOP governors tried and failed to get legislative backing for expansion plans. In Kansas, the GOP-controlled legislature passed legislation earlier this year only to see it vetoed by Gov. Sam Brownback.

Hmmm, let the voters decide.
 
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The flexibility of Medicaid includes waivers for states. Here's one that falls under Section 1115 Medicaid Demonstration Waivers:

An Overview of Delivery System Reform Incentive Payment (DSRIP) Waivers (KFF)

“Delivery System Reform Incentive Payment” or DSRIP programs are another piece of the dynamic and evolving Medicaid delivery system reform landscape. DSRIP initiatives are part of broader Section 1115 Waiver programs and provide states with significant funding that can be used to support hospitals and other providers in changing how they provide care to Medicaid beneficiaries. Originally, DSRIP initiatives were more narrowly focused on funding for safety net hospitals and often grew out of negotiations between states and HHS over the appropriate way to finance hospital care. Now, however, they increasingly are being used to promote a far more sweeping set of payment and delivery system reforms. The first DSRIP initiatives were approved and implemented in California, Texas, and Massachusetts in 2010 and 2011, followed by New Jersey, Kansas and Massachusetts in 2012, and most recently New York which was approved in 2014 and will be implemented in 2015. Key components of DSRIP waivers include the following: ....

Using DSRIP to Improve Population Health (National Academy for State Health Policy)

DSRIP programs restructure Medicaid funding into a pay-for-performance arrangement in which providers earn incentive payments outside of capitation rates for meeting certain metrics or milestones based on state-specific needs and goals, which are used to measure success. Newer DSRIPs are also increasingly leveraged to promote alternative payment methodologies in managed care in the hope that, by demonstrating savings, managed care organizations will sustain DSRIP achievements after the conclusion of the programs. DSRIP financing, including the state match, varies by state, but all states must meet the budget neutrality requirements of §1115 demonstrations and some states have been able to do so by repurposing funds and using banked managed care savings.
 
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How the Loss of Cost-Sharing Subsidy Payments is Affecting 2018 Premiums (Kaiser Family Foundation, Oct 27, 2017)
Insurers setting rates for health coverage options on the 2018 individual market have faced substantial uncertainty regarding whether or not the federal government would continue to make payments for cost-sharing reduction subsidies to insurers, as well as whether or not the administration would continue to enforce the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate. Following the September 27th deadline for insurers planning to offer coverage on the ACA’s federal marketplace to finalize premiums and sign contracts, the federal government announced on October 12th that cost-sharing reduction (CSR) payments would end, effective immediately, unless Congress appropriated the funds. In some cases insurers also increased rates due to concerns that the individual mandate might not be enforced, although no formal change in enforcement has been announced.

This analysis seeks to quantify the impact of the termination of cost-sharing subsidy payments, based on publicly available data for 32 states and the District of Columbia. Table 1 below highlights those insurers that have explicitly factored into their final premiums the fact that cost-sharing subsidy payments will not be made and have specified the degree to which that assumption is influencing their premiums in public filings.

Insurers are not always consistent in how they report the premium effect of the end of CSR payments. In some cases insurers report the average impact across all ACA-compliant individual market plans, even though they have applied an increase only to silver plans, which is the approach most insurers seem to have taken. In other cases, insurers specifically cite how much of a surcharge they have applied to silver plans.

As shown in Table 1, among those insurers that specify the surcharge on silver plans for the discontinuation of CSR payments, the amount of the surcharge ranges from 7.1% to 38%.

For those insurers that report the impact on average across all plans – whether increases were actually applied to all plans or only to silver plans – the surcharge ranges from 0.1% to 27.2%. (Note that New York’s insurers, at the low end of the range, are outliers. The basic health program in that state, known as the Essential Plan, covers people with incomes from 138% to 200% of the poverty level, meaning that few people in the marketplace are in the income range to receive cost-sharing reductions.)
 

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Thinking of John McCain, today.

Here's a couple of articles on immunotherapy with genetic engineered viruses for the treatment of tumors, especially glioblastoma, which is aggressive and difficult to treat.

The future of treatment for glioblastoma
(CNN)

Could CAR-T treatments work in glioblastoma? (Fierce Biotech)

Toxicity and management in CAR T-cell therapy (Science)

As you can imagine, engineering viruses is complicated and takes time, which has resulted in a backlog for those viruses. Cost for that alone can reach $90,000. Only 4% of patients over 55 with glioblastoma receiving standard therapies survive five years. Federal funding is one of the main sources supporting development of this immunotherapy and genetic engineering. Australia has recently received $100 million for brain cancer research and Canada, too, is funding this type of research.
 

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Years of Attack Leave Obamacare a More Government-Focused Health Law (NY Times)

The Affordable Care Act was conceived as a mix of publicly funded health care and privately purchased insurance, but Republican attacks, culminating this month in the death of a mandate that most Americans have insurance, are shifting the balance, giving the government a larger role than Democrats ever anticipated.

And while President Trump insisted again on Tuesday that the health law was “essentially” being repealed, what remains of it appears relatively stable and increasingly government-funded.

In short, President Barack Obama’s signature domestic achievement is becoming more like what conservatives despise — government-run health care — thanks in part to Republican efforts that are raising premiums for people without government assistance and allowing them to skirt coverage.

By ending the tax penalty for people who do not have coverage, beginning in 2019, Republicans may hasten the flight of customers who now pay the full cost of their insurance. Among those left behind under the umbrella of the Affordable Care Act would be people of modest means who qualify for Medicaid or receive sizable subsidies for private insurance.

“Republicans have inadvertently strengthened the hand of Democrats like me who prefer richer subsidies to a mandate and welcome the expanded federal role that will come with those subsidies,” said Joel S. Ario, a former insurance commissioner from Pennsylvania who worked in the Obama administration.

In days, the Trump administration is expected to carry out an executive order with proposed rules that would allow people to buy less expensive — and less comprehensive — coverage, through either business and professional associations or short-term private policies.

The Affordable Care Act’s success in reducing the number of uninsured owes more to Medicaid than to private health insurance. About 75 million people are now enrolled in Medicaid, a number that has increased by about one-third since the adoption of the Affordable Care Act. A smaller number, about 10 million, buy coverage from private insurers through the health law’s marketplace.

Among people ages 18 to 64, the proportion with private health insurance coverage is about the same today as in 2005, according to the National Center for Health Statistics. But the proportion with public insurance coverage has increased to more than 19 percent, from 11.5 percent in 2005, and the share of people in that age range who are uninsured has fallen to 12.5 percent, from about 19 percent.

In total, more than one-third of the population is covered with federal assistance, through Medicare, Medicaid, the Department of Veterans Affairs, the military and Affordable Care Act subsidies. (And that does not include the larger group of people who benefit from tax subsidies for health insurance provided by employers.)....
 

SonofOahu

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Thinking of John McCain, today.

Here's a couple of articles on immunotherapy with genetic engineered viruses for the treatment of tumors, especially glioblastoma, which is aggressive and difficult to treat.

The future of treatment for glioblastoma
(CNN)

Could CAR-T treatments work in glioblastoma? (Fierce Biotech)

Toxicity and management in CAR T-cell therapy (Science)

As you can imagine, engineering viruses is complicated and takes time, which has resulted in a backlog for those viruses. Cost for that alone can reach $90,000. Only 4% of patients over 55 with glioblastoma receiving standard therapies survive five years. Federal funding is one of the main sources supporting development of this immunotherapy and genetic engineering. Australia has recently received $100 million for brain cancer research and Canada, too, is funding this type of research.

This is why I always question whether or not current meds are really worth the price. I realize advancement in technology can be painfully incremental, but the cost of today's biologics just don't seem worth the benefit (from a consumer perspective.)
 

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Think about it.

More people died last year (more than 63,600) than in nine years of the Vietnam War (58,220).

Many counties and states have moved to distribute Narcan, the drug that reverses the effects of an opioid overdose, to first responders. Some areas allow pharmacies to dispense it at no cost to family members. More overdoses are due to fentanyl, which is multiple times more powerful than heroin, but may also require more doses of Narcan to reverse opioid effects.

Narcan used to be $11 a dose and is now over $35 a dose which, at that price, reflects a 30% discount. (An over-the-counter price at some pharmacies is $125 a dose.) Either insurance companies or taxpayers are picking up the cumulative increases in those prices. Some insurance companies are considering joining the class action lawsuits against the pharmaceutical companies manufacturing opioids like fentanyl and Oxycontin.

West Virginia has highest age-adjusted rate of drug overdose deaths in the U.S. at 52 per 100,000.

Local WV emergency medical services agencies administered 4,186 doses of Naloxone last year, up from 3,351 the year before and 2,165 two years ago. That data doesn’t include uses by hospital emergency departments, urgent care centers, other first responders and family members.

West Virginians of the Year: The men and women battling the opioid epidemic (Charleston Gazette-Mail)

Opioids in America: 'It's all fentanyl': opioid crisis takes shape in Philadelphia as overdoses surge (Guardian)

Nationally, over the past three years, fentanyl-related deaths have increased by 540%. For the first time, the majority of fatal overdoses are fentanyl-related, accounting for “nearly all the increases in drug overdose deaths from 2015 to 2016”, according to the Journal of the American Medical Association. In Philadelphia, a city previously known for pure and relatively inexpensive heroin, there have been nearly 800 fentanyl overdoses this year.

Opioid Overdose Deaths by race overwhelming occur in whites. (KFF)

States Reporting Medicaid FFS Pharmacy Benefit Management Strategies for Naloxone In Place
(KFF)
 
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The flexibility of Medicaid includes waivers for states. Here's one that falls under Section 1115 Medicaid Demonstration Waivers:

An Overview of Delivery System Reform Incentive Payment (DSRIP) Waivers (KFF)



Using DSRIP to Improve Population Health (National Academy for State Health Policy)

As another example - besides the DSRIP programs and state's assuming cost of reinsurance, e.g. Alaska's, - of the flexibility of the Affordable Care Act which encourages states to develop their own innovative programs to lower their health care costs and lower premiums for their residents are those under Section 1332 of the Affordable Care Act. Here are the statuses of those programs developed:

Tracking Section 1332 State Innovation Waivers

Through Section 1332 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), states may apply for innovation waivers to alter key ACA requirements in the individual and small group insurance markets. States can use the flexibility granted by 1332 waiver authority to shore up fragile insurance markets, address unique state insurance market issues, or experiment with alternative models of providing coverage to state residents. With Congressional efforts to repeal and replace the ACA on hold, attention will likely turn to 1332 waivers as states explore ways to address access and affordability issues in their individual and small group markets.

While the ACA provides states with some flexibility to alter certain provisions using 1332 waiver authority, it establishes guardrails that limit the extent of the changes states may make. The current statutory language requires that state waiver applications must demonstrate that the innovation plan will provide coverage that is at least as comprehensive in covered benefits; at least as affordable (taking into account premiums and excessive cost sharing); cover at least a comparable number of state residents; and not increase the federal deficit. The ACA requirements states may seek to waive using Section 1332 authority include:

--Individual and employer mandates;
--Essential health benefits (EHBs);
--Limits on cost sharing for covered benefits;
--Metal tiers of coverage;
--Standards for health insurance marketplaces, including requirements to establish a website, a call center, and a navigator program; and
--Premium tax credits and cost-sharing reductions.

Additionally, states may request an aggregate payment of what residents would otherwise have received in premium tax credits and cost-sharing reductions, referred to as subsidy pass-through funding. States may not waive certain provisions through section 1332, including guaranteed issue, age rating, and prohibitions on health status and gender rating. While states can submit ACA innovation waivers in conjunction with Medicaid waivers (under Sec. 1115 of the Social Security Act), innovation waivers cannot be used to change Medicaid program requirements.

The map below shows the status of 1332 waivers requested by states....

In the graphic, which gives the status of those states who have requested Section 1332 waivers, Iowa and Oklahoma have withdrawn their applications due to Trump's direction to CMS's (Center for Medicare and Medicaid) head, who approves these request, which is another example of undermining the Affordable Care Act. The reaction by these states and their health insurance commissions has sent the message to all states, which has resulted in higher costs for their residents.

Trump's call to deny Iowa waiver request give states uncertain outlook
(Modern Healthcare)
In Iowa's case, they sought this waiver to prevent insurers from leaving their marketplace with only one insurer and suffering huge premium increases. Trump's EO ending subsidy payments (cost-sharing reductions, or CSRs) to providers has further increased costs for all states. Qualifying Iowans now have one insurer and saw an increase in their prices of 57%.

Failure To Approve Oklahoma Waiver Undermines Trust Between HHS And States
(Health Affairs)

In a blistering letter to now former HHS Secretary Tom Price and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, Oklahoma’s Secretary of Health and Human Services, Terry Cline, withdrew Oklahoma’s requested waiver and said the federal government had reneged on a promise at the last minute: “As late as last Friday, September 22, an agreed upon approval package had been circulated with the state expectation, and federal department promise, that waiver approval would be forthcoming on Monday, September 25." (emphasis added) The letter noted that “waiver approval would have helped more than 130,000 Oklahomans’ who today are struggling with dramatic price increases, provided more than a 30 percent premium reduction and allowed nearly 30,000 individuals to buy insurance.”

Ironically, the federal government will pick up the cost of unnecessary premium increases for low-income Oklahomans who qualify for federal tax credits, but middle income Oklahomans not eligible for tax credits will bear the full brunt of soaring premiums and, by Secretary Cline’s account, 30,000 of them will find those premiums unaffordable.

Federal officials have yet to explain their abrupt change of course and likely will claim that they simply ran out of time. But those of us who have worked closely with the four states who have submitted reinsurance waivers know a different story. We know that two of those states---Alaska and Minnesota---have been approved for waivers closely resembling Oklahoma’s proposal: documenting the federal savings that accrue when state-based reinsurance programs cut premiums and reduce federal tax credit outlays, and then receiving those savings as a federal pass-through to partially offset the costs of the state reinsurance program.

As pointed out, the federal government will have to increase their federal tax credits to pay for the cost increases for low-income citizens, while middle income citizens will be the ones bearing the brunt of cost increases with denial of waivers and of CSRs. As a result of the federal cost increases due to these moves by the Administration, the Congressional Budget Office has estimated that withdrawing CSRs will add $194 billion to the federal deficits over a decade as a result.

President Trump:
‘Nobody knew that health care could be so complicated’

Candidate Trump: ​
I am going to take care of everybody. I don't care if it costs me votes or not. ​The government's gonna pay for it.
and
We're going to have insurance for everybody. There was a philosophy in some circles that if you can't pay for it, you don't get it. That's not going to happen with us.
 
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Medicaid and Work Requirements: New Guidance, State Waiver Details and Key Issues (KFF)

On January 11, 2018, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) issued a State Medicaid Director Letter providing new guidance for Section 1115 waiver proposals that would impose work requirements (referred to as community engagement) in Medicaid as a condition of eligibility. The guidance describes the potential scope of requirements that could be approved and presents the case for how these policies promote the objectives of the Medicaid program. This action reverses previous Democratic and Republican Administrations, which had not approved such waiver requests on the basis that such provisions would not further the program’s purposes of promoting health coverage and access. The guidance asserts that such provisions would promote program objectives by helping states “in their efforts to improve Medicaid enrollee health and well-being through incentivizing work and community engagement.” The guidance invites proposals that are “designed to promote better mental, physical, and emotional health. . . [or] separately. . . help individuals and families rise out of poverty and attain independence.”

CMS has approved a work requirement waiver in Kentucky, and nine other states have submitted proposals to CMS. As of mid-January 2018, eight states (AR, AZ, IN, KS, ME, NH, UT, and WI) have pending waiver requests at CMS that would require work as a condition of eligibility for expansion adults and/or traditional populations (Mississippi has also submitted a waiver proposal to CMS, but it has not yet been certified as complete.) Medicaid work requirement proposals generally would require beneficiaries to verify their participation in approved activities, such as employment, job search, or job training programs, for a certain number of hours per week in order to receive health coverage. The proposals typically would exempt certain populations, but little detail is available about how the policies would be administered and how the exemptions would be obtained. See Table 1 for a summary of the covered populations, common exemptions, qualifying work activities and required hours for each state waiver.

9141-figure-1.png


Most nonelderly Medicaid adults already are working or face significant barriers to work, leaving a very small share of adults to whom these policies are directed. Six in ten Medicaid adults are already working (Figure 1). Among those who are not working, most report illness or disability, caregiving responsibilities, or going to school as reasons for not working. Many of these reasons would likely qualify as exemptions from work requirement policies. This would leave 7% of the population to whom work requirement policies could be directed, including those who report they are not working because they are looking for work and unable to find a job.
(Continued)
 
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Uninsured patients show up in ERs as the last resort and either get a huge medical bill, sometimes including the costs of a hospitalization - or the bills are uncollectable, which ends up costing the state. States allocate money for uninsured care based on the hospital's previous years costs relative to other hospitals in the state. Your state taxes go up or the hospital swallows the costs. That's a poor way to deal with illness let alone promote health.

Obamacare Medicaid expansion improved preventive care (Harvard School of Public Health)

In a newly published study, Cawley and co-authors Kosali Simon and Aparna Soni of Indiana University demonstrate for the first time that the state-level expansions of Medicaid that were promoted by the Affordable Care Act succeeded in improving preventive care among low-income Americans. Specifically, low-income childless adults received 5.4 percent more preventive services in the past year, and the probability that they had a dental visit in the past year rose 8.7 percent.

A good article on the factors that impacted the failure of Obamacare to be accepted in Mississippi and the misconceptions.

How Obamacare Went South in Mississippi (Atlantic)

The first year of the Affordable Care Act in Mississippi was, by almost every measure, an unmitigated disaster. In a state stricken by diabetes, heart disease, obesity and the highest infant-mortality rate in the nation, President Barack Obama’s landmark healthcare law has barely registered, leaving the country’s poorest and perhaps most segregated state trapped in a severe and intractable healthcare crisis.
 
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State Reinsurance Waivers

State Reinsurance Waivers

A number of states have been granted health reinsurance waivers under Section 1332 under the Affordable Care Act. That flexibility of a waiver granted by CMS (Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services) allows states to develop programs based on their residents' needs to lower health insurance premiums. Skyrocketing premiums can be driven by increased health care utilization of just a small number of individuals. Reinsurance is meant to stabilize premiums by reducing the incentive for insurers to charge higher premiums due to concerns about higher-risk people, who usually have expensive chronic medical conditions. (A temporary federal reinsurance program ended in 2016 with a corresponding jump in premiums.)

Alaska was one of the first states to be granted a waiver to develop their own reinsurance program, which allowed the state to fund the reinsurance program by federal pass through funds. Alaska was faced with a single insurer as others left the marketplace, and projected premium increases of 42% for 2017. With their reinsurance program, Alaska's premium increase for 2017 was 7%. For 2018, Alaskans' premiums with the single insurance provider on the individual marketplace will drop 26.5%, as premiums elsewhere in the U.S. may rise. The complicated formula for subsidies from the feds for Alaska has been announced that Alaskans will receive more money than expected for 2018.

As you can imagine, a number of other states have developed reinsurance plans under Section 1332 and applied to CMS in order to achieve similar lowering of premiums but the Trump admin stalled on granting waivers to Oklahoma, Iowa, and California in the fall with resultant premium increases of 20+% when these applications for waivers were not granted.

A state-commissioned report estimated Oklahomans' premiums would decrease up to 35% with a state reinsurance plan. The state blamed the Trump admin when the waiver was not approved and Oklahomans saw the resultant premium price increases. Ironically, low-income enrollees did not see price increases as the federal government compensated with increases in their subsidies. Middle-income enrollees bore the brunt of the price increases.

A very red state, Wisconsin, is now developing a state reinsurance program under Scott Walker for their residents and will apply to CMS for the waiver, which will help stabilize their premiums with state subsidies.

Congress is currently formulating a reinsurance program that states can draw from to lower their residents' premiums. Whether the Trump administration would continue to resist Congress's attempts to stabilize premiums with reinsurance programs as well as cost sharing subsidies (CSRs) to providers as more Republican lawmakers push for these changes is yet to be determined. But the savings some states with the 1332 waivers are enjoying as other states suffer through large increases in premiums is certainly apparent.

Rival reinsurance provisions gain steam in Congress (Modern Healthcare)

Explaining Health Care Reform: Risk Adjustment, Reinsurance, and Risk Corridors (KFF)
 
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Legacy

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Good article on this practice by health insurance companies in the Wall Street Journal (subscription required)

How health insurers game Medicare Advantage ratings to boost bonus payments (Becker Hospital Review)

Humana, UnitedHealth, Aetna, Anthem and other insurance companies that provide Medicare Advantage plans use a tactic known as "crosswalking" to collect additional revenue from the federal government, according to an analysis of federal data by The Wall Street Journal.

Here are five things to know.

1. Medicare ranks Medicare Advantage plans on a quality scale of one to five stars, and pays bonuses to plans with high ratings. When an MA plan is not set to receive a financial bonus, health insurance companies will merge those patients into plans with higher scores, which preserves the bonuses.

2. Using this tactic, health insurance companies are able to boost the ratings of Medicare Advantage plans without actually improving on quality measures.

3. Insurers have used this tactic over the past few years. Insurers shuffled roughly 1.45 million Medicare Advantage members into higher-rated plans for 2018, according to WSJ.

4. Paul Ginsburg, PhD, a professor at the University of Southern in Los Angeles and a member of the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission, told WSJ crosswalking "is nothing more than gaming the system."

5. The budget deal signed into law in February is expected to cut down on the practice of crosswalking, according to WSJ.

The practice of crosswalking boosted federal bonus payments by hundreds of millions of dollars. After the article, shares fell of publicly-traded health insurance companies that benefited from those bonus payments. Humana fell 1.6 percent. Cigna fell 3.5 percent. UnitedHealth Group was down 1.2 percent. How the loss of the practice of crosswalking will impact the companies' guidance on their future earnings has not been disclosed.
 
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MJ12666

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Good article on this practice by health insurance companies in the Wall Street Journal (subscription required)

How health insurers game Medicare Advantage ratings to boost bonus payments (Becker Hospital Review)



The practice of crosswalking boosted federal bonus payments by hundreds of millions of dollars. After the article, shares fell of publicly-traded health insurance companies that benefited from those bonus payments. Humana fell 1.6 percent. Cigna fell 3.5 percent. UnitedHealth Group was down 1.2 percent. How the loss of the practice of crosswalking will impact the companies' guidance on their future earnings has not been disclosed.

This article from Morningstar provides more details of this process. It started with the passage of Obamacare in 2010 and will continue through 2020 under current law. Very shady which is just another reason why Obamacare should have been repealed.

Insurers Game Medicare System to Boost Federal Bonus Payments
 

Legacy

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How Might Older Nonelderly Medicaid Adults with Disabilities Be Affected By Work Requirements in Section 1115 Waivers? (KFF, March 30, 2018)

Most of the states with approved or pending Section 1115 waivers that condition Medicaid eligibility on work would apply those requirements to all or most nonelderly adults (ages 19-64) who are not receiving Supplemental Security Income (SSI) cash assistance, including older nonelderly adults (ages 50-64).1 Older nonelderly adults may be limited in their ability to satisfy a work requirement due to barriers resulting from age and/or disability. Previous analysis shows that many nonelderly Medicaid adults (ages 19-64) have functional limitations that may interfere with their ability to work but do not rise to the stringent SSI level of disability, making them potentially subject to work requirements. Older nonelderly adults are over twice as likely to have a disability than younger adults (17% vs. 7%).2 Furthermore, older nonelderly adults account for nearly half (45%) of all nonelderly Medicaid adults with a disability but not SSI who could be affected by a work requirement.3 This analysis examines the implications of work requirements for Medicaid adults ages 50 to 64 (referred to as “older nonelderly Medicaid adults”) and provides national and state level estimates of their disability, SSI, and work status using data from the 2016 American Community Survey (ACS).

Trump signs executive order pushing work requirements for the poor (CNN Money, April 10, 2018)
 
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NorthDakota

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This poor little boy in England... No idea what the British government is doing here. Holding a child hostage.... when the freakin' Pope says "we'll take him."
 

Whiskeyjack

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Fordham professor Charles Camosy just published an article in First Things titled "Alfie Evans and Our Moral Crossroads":

Physicians have many ways of influencing medical decisions made by the parents of children in their care.

Certain studies can be cited in support of what the physician desires, and studies pointing in a different direction can be ignored. Directive, emotive, and exaggerated language can be used to manipulate, especially when the likely outcomes of various options are under discussion. Numbers can be used in a similar way: Should a consult focus on the two-thirds of patients who have poor outcomes—or on the one-third who have good ones?

These forms of manipulation are a persistent concern in clinical ethics, and they present themselves in dramatic fashion when medical teams discuss disability.

Sometimes the desire of a physician to achieve the outcome he wants is so strong that he will engage in deceptive practices called “slow coding” or “show coding.” The physician agrees with the parents that everything possible will be done for their child (“full code”)—but in reality the physician and medical team will not engage in aggressive treatment. This practice is defended by some ethicists today, and is often justified by the physician’s personal judgment that the life of a particular child is not worth saving.

Most often it is done on the down-low. Physicians are good at avoiding public scrutiny of their actions generally, and in these kinds of cases in particular. Decisions to refuse to treat a child because of a disability are distorted by euphemistic references to “mercifully” removing or foregoing “burdensome” or “extraordinary” treatments.

To be clear: The distinctions between life-sustaining treatment that is morally required and that which may be foregone—pioneered by the Catholic moral theology in the late Middle Ages and early Modern period—are essential in these cases. Personally, I take a wide view of what kinds of things might make life-sustaining treatments extraordinary, even arguing that Catholic social teaching requires expense to be one of the factors considered.

But the principle of never aiming at the death of an innocent person—whether by action or omission—must remain absolutely exceptionless. This is what the dignity of the person requires, especially if one wishes to protect vulnerable populations who are at risk of being marginalized by those who find them inconvenient. And given the checkered history of Western medicine when it comes to the value of the disabled, we must take care to be certain that this principle is enforced in the clinic.

Enter the current row over Alfie Evans. At first glance, it may seem that this case has much in common with last year’s debate over Charlie Gard. And indeed, there are important similarities.

Like Charlie, Alfie has what appears to be a neurodegenerative disease, from which his UK doctors believe he will never recover. Like Charlie’s doctors, Alfie’s doctors believe that the damage to his brain means that his life is no longer worth sustaining, and they have recommended that his ventilator be withdrawn so that he can die—in his own best interests. Like Charlie, Alfie has the support of many people around the world, including Pope Francis, who want his life to be sustained. Indeed, Alfie has been made an Italian citizen, and Italy has volunteered to transport him to the Vatican’s Bambino Hospital—at no cost to the UK’s National Health Service. (This afternoon, a British judge dismissed the parents’ latest appeal of the court order preventing Alfie’s departure to Rome.)

There are some important differences between the cases, however. Charlie’s disorder, though rare and poorly understood, was actually diagnosed. Alfie’s has not been. Charlie had been treated comprehensively by multiple kinds of medical teams, but Alfie has been seen almost exclusively by an acute care medical team. Physicians generally rate the value of the lives of their disabled patients lower than the patients do themselves, but acute care physicians, with their near-constant exposure to horrific conditions without seeing longer-term outcomes, are particularly prone to this kind of bias.

But perhaps the most important difference between the cases is that when UK authorities ordered Alfie’s life support withdrawn, he did not die. At the time of this writing, he has been breathing on his own for nearly two days.

In response to this remarkable turn of events, it appears that Alfie’s medical team is giving him some water and oxygen (not enough, according to some reports), but they are also apparently denying him typical levels of nutrition.

This procedure can in no way plausibly be described as foregoing burdensome or extraordinary treatment. Making sure that a disabled child has proper nutrition and hydration, especially when he cannot get it on his own, is not a medical act. It is basic human decency.

Let us not mince words. As with Charlie Gard before him, Alfie Evans’s death is being aimed by the very people whose vocation it is to help and protect him. The difference in Alfie’s case is that, because he has continued to breathe, the pretense of “removal of burdensome treatment” is patently absurd. In a situation that was no doubt distressing to those who hoped he would die, Alfie’s continuing to breathe has clarified the true object of the act of removing his ventilator.

Of course, as with Charlie before him, we had more than enough evidence to make such a judgment, even before Alfie was extubated. The primary judge who refused to allow Alfie to travel to Italy was concerned with Alfie’s brain damage, not with the burden of treatment. Alfie’s disability is likely to be profound, and thus, according to the judge, it is in Alfie’s best interests to die.

Given all that we still have to learn about the brain and its relationship to the functioning of a person, the judge may simply be wrong. In a separate case, a baby born with only 2 percent of normal brain tissue now, inexplicably, has a fully functioning brain. Case studies show that patients who lack a cerebral cortex may still know who they are, crack jokes, and recognize themselves in photographs. Some children born with hydranencephaly can laugh and cry, understand the difference between familiar people and strangers, and prefer certain kinds of music.

It may also be the case that the drugs in Alfie’s system have suppressed thalamic connections in the brain, thus giving the false impression that much of his brain is gone.

But even if we suppose the judge is correct, he and others are making the case that certain profoundly disabled children are unworthy of life. And when one combines Alfie’s case with that of Charlie Gard, the UK has now established the clear and frightening precedent that parents who have a different understanding of what kinds of lives are worth living may have their children taken from them and left to die—in the children’s own best interests.

As bad as this trend is, when it is combined with other trends in the developed secular West, one can see a clear logical path to its getting even worse.

We already see systematic ableism at work in the abortion rates of prenatal children with Down syndrome, with most Western countries eliminating these disabled individuals are a rate of between 70 and 90 percent. Belgium and the Netherlands have developed legal protocols to kill children after birth, often because of judgments about their quality of life. Many secular bioethicists have argued for actively killing disabled patients—a natural next step, since we are already aiming at their deaths by forgoing treatment.

Do the math. What logical impediment keeps a state from deciding that various kinds of disabled children are unworthy of life, taking them from their families by force, and aiming at their deaths—in the children’s own best interests?

The developed secular West now finds itself at one of the most serious crossroads we can imagine. Will we follow the logic of the moral and legal principles laid out in countries like the UK, Belgium, and the Netherlands? Or can we muster the moral will to challenge such principles directly and forcibly?

One of the most glorious moments for the Roman Catholic Church during the previous century was the direct and forceful condemnation by the German Bishops of the Nazi euthanasia program for the disabled. It is not a perfect historical analogy, but today the Church finds itself on the cusp of a similar moment. Will we once again be direct and forceful in defense of the vulnerable disabled who are at risk of being killed? Or will we capitulate to powerful institutions pushing a violent and ableist agenda that is at odds with our fundamental commitment—one required for our salvation—to see the face of Christ in disabled children?

Pope Francis has admirably been on the side of both Charlie Gard and Alfie Evans. The broader Catholic hierarchy, the UK bishops, and the men around Francis, however, seem cold and complacent, deferring to a medical and legal establishment that refers to the application of Catholic moral theology to these cases as “ridiculous emotive nonsense.”

Perhaps those who are not infected with the ableism of the developed secular West are in a better position to respond to such a charge. The Brazilian bishops, interestingly, have put out a video insisting that the UK government has a duty to use its resources to support those who most need it, and that Alfie’s life must be protected.

Indeed. Enough with the deference to the medical and legal establishment and its judgements about which lives are worth living. Now is a time for choosing. The most vulnerable require our clear and uncompromising support.
 

Legacy

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Fordham professor Charles Camosy just published an article in First Things titled "Alfie Evans and Our Moral Crossroads":

This article and its assertions can be criticized on a number of points.

This author asserts that "Physicians have many ways of influencing medical decisions made by the parents of children in their care" and ends with discussion of eugenics by the Nazis, which he says "not a perfect historical analogy, but today the Church finds itself on the cusp of a similar moment." That's outrageous.

He links a number of articles, one of which he authored previously about Charlie Gard in First Things. His generalizations and conclusions seem to be based mostly on medical issues in Europe. He begins that article:
While sitting on hospital medical-ethics committees, I have sometimes worried that physicians are tempted, against the wishes of parents, to refuse or slow down life-sustaining treatment to an infant they think is better off dead. Outrageously, this does happen. (Clinicians call it “slow” or “show” coding.) But, fortunately, in the United States we almost always side with the moral judgment of the parents if the parents wish to seek further treatment. At least for now.

His one link from U.S. sources in the sentence "These forms of manipulation are a persistent concern in clinical ethics, and they present themselves in dramatic fashion when medical teams discuss disability." seems to me completely appropriate for how physicians should respectfully approach informing parents their child has Down's Syndrome - after birth and prenatally - according to best practices. Read for yourself if you think this is "manipulation" by physicians.
http://dsaco.net/wp-content/uploads/Delivering-Diagnosis-best-practice-DSACO-version.pdf

One link is to article that does not even have an abstract. Another is to a U.K. newspaper article in which Alfie's father wants the U.K. physicians charged with murder after his son was removed from a ventilator after all judicial processes were exhausted by the parents. Another link is on the history of eugenics, also including Nazis.

From the author's prior article, in his ruling the judge refers to “Charlie’s parents accept that his present quality of life is one that is not worth sustaining.” The author also equates the difficult decisions that physicians and family make that may involve taking a child off life support with:
How we come to view Charlie Gard’s case has direct import for how we will view the direct killing of infants, an ancient and barbaric practice that has been reintroduced in the Netherlands in deceptively civilized guise as the “Groningen protocol.” This protocol allows the killing of infants of less than one year of age; the victims are very often disabled.

I expect that in the U.S. he cannot find any instance in which the family does not make that final decision. He can only smear the medical profession.
 

Whiskeyjack

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This article and its assertions can be criticized on a number of points.

I'm not entirely clear on your objections here, Legacy.

He links a number of articles, one of which he authored previously about Charlie Gard in First Things. His generalizations and conclusions seem to be based mostly on medical issues in Europe.

Obviously. The Charlie Gard and Alfie Evans cases both occurred in the UK, and the trends he's criticizing are further advanced in Europe than here in the US.

This author asserts that "Physicians have many ways of influencing medical decisions made by the parents of children in their care" and ends with discussion of eugenics by the Nazis, which he says "not a perfect historical analogy, but today the Church finds itself on the cusp of a similar moment." That's outrageous.

It's really not. The Progressive eugenics movement began in this country, and is still going strong through Planned Parenthood and the Democratic Party which recently made unrestricted abortion "rights" up until birth a non-negotiable plank of their platform. Our abortion laws are among the most extremely permissive in the entire world, to which 60,000,000 missing American children can attest. Some nations, like Iceland and Denmark, are now aborting nearly 100% of their Down Syndrome citizens in utero--a fact of which they're apparently proud enough to advertize. Here in the US, we only kill 67% of them. So, cheers for us?

Another is to a U.K. newspaper article in which Alfie's father wants the U.K. physicians charged with murder after his son was removed from a ventilator after all judicial processes were exhausted by the parents.

This is not a remotely accurate summary of what happened. The Pope and the Italian state moved heaven and earth to take custody of this poor boy to allow him to live out his final days in dignity at no cost to the NHS, but the judge involved repeatedly overruled the wishes of the parents and asserted that Alfie's must die at Alder Hey hospital. Not only was his ventilator removed, but the hospital withheld food and water even after he was breathing successfully on his own for days afterward. That's not what hospice care looks like.

I expect that in the U.S. he cannot find any instance in which the family does not make that final decision. He can only smear the medical profession.

In the Alfie Evans case, it absolutely deserves to be denounced. And if American Progressives would like more of their countrymen to consider the benefits of socialized medicine, they ought to join in the denunciation loudly, since lots of conservatives are pointing to this case and others like it as the inevitable fruits of larger government intervention in healthcare. I know that's not the case, since Italy also has socialized medicine, and it's government was fighting for the rights of Alfie's parents to ensure that he receive the care he was entitled to. But you don't do your cause any favors when you side with the British here.


If you think the idea that human life has dignity from womb to tomb is "fucking outrageous", then don't use a Catholic hospital. The Church's stance on this issue has been vindicated countless times in living memory.

Here's an article by canon lawyer Ed Condon about the real issue at stake:

The courts and the hospital can reasonably say that treatment should be withdrawn. What is disgraceful is that Alfie’s parents were physically prevented from removing their child from a hospital which had gone to court for the power not to treat him. The revolting irony of Alfie being forced to remain in a hospital to ensure he could not receive medical treatment should stop us all in our tracks.

The courts and the hospital had every right to reach the determination that nothing more could be done for Alfie. But in asserting that his parents had no right, indeed must be stopped from accepting offers of help and treatment from elsewhere, they asserted almost a form of legal ownership over the child.

The family is the absolute foundation of society; respect for the dignity and inherent value of human life the standard of civilisation. The Alfie Evans case showed the perhaps terminal damage both of these have now sustained in Britain.

Here's a Twitter thread which includes a lot of information, particular about the poor record of this particular hospital:

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">the problem with the Alfie Evans case- the thread.<br>Because I am sick and tired of seeing stupid Americans and deluded Brits muddling the water, I will try to put together what happened, why, and the motivations of the deluded fools who defend the death of a baby.</p>— PaleAndLoitering (@WhiteCovenant) <a href="https://twitter.com/WhiteCovenant/status/990439647825354752?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">April 29, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

Here's an article from ND law professor Carter Snead:

The heart of the problem is that, according to the UK courts' interpretation of the Children Act of 1989, a life of permanent disability and dependency, whether long or short, is not worth living. The UK High Court "root(ed)" its opinion in the ethical guidance of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, which asserts that "it is no longer in the child's best interests to continue (living)" in those cases "where the severity of the child's condition is such that it is difficult or impossible for them to derive benefit from continued life." Because of his disability, Alfie's very life was deemed no longer beneficial to him. And therefore it was declared illegal to keep him alive.

And lastly, here's Ross Douthat's take on the issue:

Some magazine stories are fishhooks; they work their way into your mind and don’t come out. Rachel Aviv of The New Yorker has written several such pieces in the last year, including one about an African-American mother’s battle to keep her brain-damaged daughter alive after the girl was declared clinically dead, and another about the way court-appointed legal guardians in Nevada exploit the elderly placed into their care.

I’ve been thinking about both stories while watching the drama of Alfie Evans, an English almost-2-year-old with a devastating brain condition whose parents were denied the chance to move him to another hospital or country by a decree from doctors and judges that the time had come for him to die. It is the second such case in the United Kingdom recently, and the basic facts are roughly similar to the last one, in which a baby named Charlie Gard died of a rare genetic condition after the courts similarly ruled against his parents’ desire to take him abroad for an experimental treatment.

In each case, the doctors and judges had plausible medical arguments that the limits of treatment had been reached. (Although in the case of Evans, their expertise was undercut by the boy’s refusal to swiftly die, as predicted, when his breathing apparatus was removed; he lived for five days before expiring.) But in each case that judgment was deployed for wicked ends, stripping parents who were not unfit of their ability to act as parents, denying them the ability to choose not only last-ditch treatments but even where and how their ailing children died.

People took part in a rally for the life of Alfie Evans in front of the British Embassy in Warsaw on Thursday. The boy died on Saturday.CreditRafal Guz/EPA, via Shutterstock
It is easy see the relevance here of Aviv’s story about Jahi McMath, a teenager from Oakland declared brain-dead after a horribly-botched tonsillectomy, whose family managed to spirit her away to New Jersey, where religious-freedom laws allow families to reject a “brain-death” ruling and keep a loved one on a feeding tube indefinitely.

Since then Jahi has survived for years despite confident medical predictions to the contrary, and she now gives pretty decent evidence of retaining some form of consciousness, some ability to listen and respond. In California her status as a dead person is under litigation; in a small apartment in New Jersey, in the care of her mother, she is very much alive.

Her fate is thus a case study in why a decent society allows families leeway to defy medical consensus: not only for the sake of parental rights and religious beliefs, not only because biases around race and class and faith creep into medical decision-making, but also because in hard cases the official medical consensus often doesn’t come close to grasping all the possibilities, and letting people go their own way is often the only way to discover where it’s wrong.

But this tendency to arrogate power away from the family is not just an issue for extreme medical cases. In Aviv’s story on guardianship among the elderly, it plays out in a more prosaic and yet similarly shocking form — with old people who are hardly incompetent handed over to professional guardians who sell their assets and consign them to assisted living facilities from which they can’t escape.

The basic dynamic is like the Gard and Evans and McMath cases but with the generational roles reversed: Instead of parents trying to pry their children away from the medical establishment, you have adult children unable to bring their parents home because their state-appointed guardians say no.

Aviv focuses on the Kafkaesque odyssey of Julie Belshe, a mother of three who spent years extracting her parents from the talons of a woman, April Parks, who was later indicted on charges of perjury and theft. But Parks flourished in a larger system designed around the assumption that old people are basically better off without their kids, because offspring are probably motivated either by raw emotionalism or by gimme-gimme avarice, as opposed to the cool wisdom of expert doctors, professional guardians, and wise judges.

Such a system is custom-built for the coming world of post-familialism, the world bequeathed to us by sexual individualism and thinning family trees. Just as more and more children are growing up without the active fathers who fought for Charlie Gard and Alfie Evans or the extended kinship network that saved Jahi McMath, more and more people will face old age without sons and daughters to care for them or to challenge the medical-judicial complex’s will.

It is the tragedy of our future that for many people there will be no exit from that complex, no alternative means of receiving care. But it is the task of our present to ensure that where the family still has the capacity to choose for an aging parent or a dying child, the family rather than the system gets to make the choice.

Yes, that choice may be wrong; it may have its own dark or foolish motivations. But those are risks a humane society has to take, so that in our weakest moments we can hope to be surrounded not just by knowledge or power, but by love.
 
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